当代中国的身份认同与政治社会化：一项基于城市农民工子女的实证研究

【作者】 熊易寒；

【导师】 臧志军；

【作者基本信息】 复旦大学 ， 中外政治制度， 2008， 博士

【摘要】 以往的政治社会化研究主要关注阶级、阶层、社会经济地位、种族等客观因素对于儿童政治社会化的影响,而本文通过对农民工子女的实证研究发现:农民工子女的身份认同对他们的政治态度与行为模式有着至关重要的影响。本文试图回答以下问题:首先,在政治社会化的过程中,农民工子女的身份认同是通过什么方式形成的?不同的政治社会化媒介在其中发挥了什么作用?其次,农民工子女的身份认同是如何影响他们的政治态度与行为模式的?最后,如果农民工子女的身份认同会对他们政治观念与行为产生重大影响,那么,围绕身份差异而形成的政治态度与行为模式的分化究竟有多大?农民工子女是主流意识形态的接受者,抑或形成了一套相对自主的底层文化?如此一来,看似后现代的“认同政治”就与政治学的传统议题——政治文化、政治社会化、阶级再生产——紧密地勾连在一起。研究表明:第一、家庭、学校、国家(包括基层政府和意识形态的国家)、社会干预(NGO、志愿者)是农民工子女政治社会化的主要媒介。农民工子女的政治社会化过程包含建制化的政治学习与事件化的政治学习两种机制,前者主要型塑他们的价值观,后者则更多地影响他们的知识库存。对于农民工子女而言,事件在他们的政治社会化过程中发挥了更加突出的作用。第二、农民工子女与政治社会化媒介的互动过程,往往是围绕着身份的确认与否认、斗争与妥协而展开的,也就是说,政治社会化是以身份生产为中心的。由此形成的身份认同不是一成不变的,而是社会结构与具体情境共同作用下的权宜性结果,一旦失去外力的推动,一种特定身份就可能停止运作了。身份认同从来不是自由意志的表达,而是始终存在于特定的权力结构之中。当农民工子女试图表达自己的身份认同时,不可避免地受到外部群体和国家治理行为的制约,防御性认同和进取性认同便应运而生。本文用“运作性认同”来表述农民工子女身份生产的这一特性。第三、通过对农民工子弟学校与公办学校的比较研究,我们发现:虽然就读于公办学校的农民工子女学习积极性高于前者,但却更为强烈地感受到城市主流社会的歧视,对个人的前景也更加悲观,其成长过程中存在显著的“天花板效应”,也就是说,由于对社会流动的预期很低而主动放弃学业上的努力。农民工子弟学校则盛行“反学校文化”,如果说公办学校的农民工子女是因为低预期而选择“自我放弃”,那么,农民工子弟学校的“反学校文化”并不是因为自暴自弃,恰恰相反,他们常常为自己离经叛道的行为感到自豪。通过否定学校的价值系统、蔑视校方和教师的权威,他们一方面获得了独立与自尊,另一方面则心甘情愿地提前进入次级劳动力市场,加速了阶级再生产的进程。但是,反学校文化并不是一套独立的底层文化,对调查问卷的分析显示:农民工子女对基本社会规范的接受程度与城市儿童相差甚微,价值倾向基本一致,只不过城市儿童的态度更趋近于政治正确性,也就是说,对于主流价值观认可的观点,城市儿童表示更强烈的支持;对于主流价值观否定的观点,城市儿童表示更坚决的反对。简言之,与城市儿童相比,农民工子女与主流价值观表现出轻微的疏离,但他们并没有站在主流价值观的对立面。他们与城市孩子的不同更多地表现在知识库存:在遭遇群际冲突事件之后,农民工子女会对这些事件进行加工,将其整理为相应的“故事”,当日后再出现类似的事件时,这些生活记忆所构成的知识库存将成为他们判断和行动的依据。论文的最后一部分还讨论了相关命题与概念的适用范围,在超越个案的同时避免过度夸大结论的解释力,一方面揭示了农民工子女政治社会化的深层机制,另一方面也补充和修正了政治社会化的一般理论。更多还原

【Abstract】 The traditional political socialization theories pay special attention to class, stratum, socio-economic status, race, and other objective factors; however, this paper based on an empirical study finds that the identity of Children of migrant workers has a crucial impact on their political attitudes and behavior patterns.This paper attempts to answer these questions: First, How did children of migrant workers form their identities? What roles did different agents of political socialization play in the processes? Second, How the identity of Children of migrant workers influence their political attitudes and behavior patterns? Third, if the identity of Children of migrant workers does influence their political opinions and behavior, then how much is the differentiaton formed based on identity difference between their political attitudes and behavior patterns? Did Children of migrant workers created their own subaltern culture which was independent of the mainstream ideology? As a result, the identity politics as the consequences of modernity interweaved the traditional topics of political science, including political culture, political socialization and class reproduction.1. The author put forward the idea that families, schools, governments (the local state and Ideological State Apparatus), social intervention (NGO and Volunteers) are the main agents of migrant children’s political socialization. Migrant children conduct their political socialization with two mechanisms of institutionized political learning and event-driven political learning respectively, to recognize political life. The former shapes their values, and the latter has a vital important influence on their stocks of knowledge. For the children of migrant workers, the event-driven political learning played a more prominent role in their political socialization processes.2. In these forms of social interaction between migrant children and agents of political socialization, the struggle and compromise for identitis is the most important, this’s to say, identity production is the centre of political socialization. It is not a life-long identity, but a contingent equilibrium under the social structure and the specific context. If it loses the external forces, a specific identity would cease to function. Identity is never the expression of free will, but exists in the particular power structure all the time. When the children of migrant workers attempt to express their own identities, they will encounter restriction from the outside group and government unavoidably, Then Defensive identity and aggressive identity thus arised. The author invents "working identity" to describe this peculiarity of migrant children’s identity producing.3. Compare the private schools for migrant children with public schools, though migrant kids at public schools have greater enthusiasm on learning than their counterparts at private schools, they more strongly felt the discrimination from urban mainstream society, as a result, they have a more pessimistic attitude or a lower expectation on their future.The author call this phenomenon "the ceiling effect", That is to say, giving up the efforts on study voluntarily because of their low expectation on society flow. There is a counter-school culture at the private schools for migrant children. If migrant children at public schools choose to "give up oneself "because of their low expectation, then, the counter-school culture at private schools is not because of their attitude of "giving oneself up as hopeless ", on the contrary, the students are rather proud of their disobedient actions and misbehavior than self-disqualified. By denial of shool’s value and authority, they won independence and self-esteem; however, these preadults access willingly to secondary labor market and lose the opportunities for social mobility.However counter-school culture isn’t an independent subaltern culture, our analysis of the questionnaires shows that migrant kids and urban children have the almost same basic values, but the latter’s political attitude is closer to political correctness. That is to say, as to the view supported by the mainstream values, urban children express stronger support; as to the view denied by the mainstream values, urban children express firmer opposition. Compared with urban children, migrant kids alienate but not to oppose the mainstream values, there is a great difference in stocks of knowledge between migrant kids and urban children. After encountering inter-group conflict incidents, migrant kids will process these incidents and adjust them as corresponding "stories", when similar incidents take place in the future, the knowledge stock formed by the memory of life will become the basis that they judge and take action.The last chapter discusses the scope of application of our conclusion and concepts, the author attempts to generalize that transcending the case study, on the same time avoid to exaggerate the explanatory power of the conclusions. On the one hand, this paper wants to reveal the special mechanisms of migrant kids’ political socialization, on the other hand, to amend and supplement the general theory of political socialization.更多还原