男人的祖先，女人的神

【作者】 刘东旭；

【导师】 潘蛟；

【作者基本信息】 中央民族大学 ， 人类学， 2010， 硕士

【摘要】 自1980年代以来,中国乡村社会掀起了一场广泛的民间宗教信仰重振和复兴热潮。在这个过程中,女性信众表现得尤为突出,她们对于求神拜佛,烧香祈愿的热情远高于男性。那么,女性何以会如此热衷于宗教实践活动?女性的宗教实践和男性的宗教实践有什么样的关系?本文即是通过对贵州湄潭县群乐汉族民间宗教信仰及实践的研究来揭示其中存在的性别差异及其成因。在调查研究过程中,笔者主要采用人类学田野民族志方法,通过文献收集、参与观察和个案访谈收集相关资料,并参考和借鉴前人的研究成果,最终形成自己的分析思路和结论。其大致内容如下：当下的群乐社会中,男人的宗教实践主要围绕祖先信仰和祭祀活动,而女人则更加倾向于祖先之外的神庙信仰。这种宗教实践的差异现象是男女社会性别差异在宗教领域的投射。在男性主导的家族社会背景下,祖先信仰体系是以夫权为中心的人生意义的体现,而女性偏好于神庙信仰客观上却与她们试图摆脱这种夫权中心的人生意义重压相关联。只要这种以夫权为中心的意义重压尚在,女性的神庙信仰偏好就难改。而建国以来家族组织在形式上的衰落,以及妇女自主意识的兴起,促使女性的神庙信仰和实践获得了更大的发展空间。从历时角度来看,当下这种宗教实践性别差异的形成是当地人祖先崇拜、冲傩和神庙信仰三种信仰形式不断演变的结果。自1950年代以来,当地由男人主导的祖先崇拜从家族性的集体信仰演变成以小家庭为单位的私人性祭祀活动,其规模和强度大大减弱。端公们操控的冲傩由一种广泛流传的驱瘟仪式蜕变成戏剧表演,并逐渐走向消解。而庙宇则由原来的公共性活动空间转变成为女人们热衷的神庙信仰活动场所,并表现出勃勃生机。笔者认为,正是前两种信仰实践的减弱和后一种的增强叠合到一起,形成了群乐社会在宗教实践领域呈现出来的性别差异现象。而这种差异的出现与群乐社会在新中国成立以后的历史紧密相关。自1950年代以来,崇尚无神论的社会主义意识形态灌输近乎彻底地改变了人们的思想、伦理道德和行为规范,极大地压制了传统的宗教活动。集体化的政治、经济和组织改革近乎代替了原本主导乡村社会的家族体系,使得所有的生产生活都囊括到新生国家所规制的集体秩序当中,从而导致传统宗教信仰耐以生存的基础趋于瓦解。1980年代的改革使得中国社会从集体化重新向个体化转变,同时也使乡村社会经历了“再秩序化”过程。正是在这个再秩序化过程中,传统汉人社会男性和女性角色结构性差异的张力被放大。以至于他们因自身社会角色、经验、心态的不同而形成对事物认知结构和解释体系的差异也更为明显,进而使得男性和女性在宗教实践领域的差别突显出来。更多还原

【Abstract】 Since the 1980s, a wide range of revitalization and rehabilitation of folk religions began to arise in the Chinese rural society. A prevailing phenomenon in the process is that women usually show more enthusiasm than men in the religious activities, such as praying, burning incense, and etc.. So, why do women appear so enthusiastic in the religious practices? What is the relationship between women’s religious practices and men’s? This thesis is intended to answer these questions. Through the fieldwok among the QunLe people of Meitan County, Guizhou Province, the author collected a large amount of information about their religious life. Based on the information, the thesis analyzes and reveals the actual existence of the gender difference in religion and the causes of the difference. The methods applied in this paper include literature collection, participant observation, case interviews, and so on. The author’s major viewpoints are summarized as follows.In the society of QunLe people, men’s religious life mainly focuses on ancestor worship and sacrifice while women tend to believe in the Bodhisattvas. The division is very probably derived from the gender difference. From the diachronic viewpoint, the religious practices of QunLe people are the result of the development of the local ancestor worship, the Nuo, and the Temple faith. Since the 1950s, the rite of ancestor worship, led by men and centered on paternal line, has begun to shift from the collective genealogical practice to the more private one exercised by nuclear family members. Meanwhile, the dimension and intensity of the practice also declined. The Nuo, originally the rite of purgation, has been transformed to theatrics and is gradually vanishing. The temple, which remained as a place of public communication before the 1950s, has been turned into a site where the ritual of Temple faith is practiced with women’s dominance. While the ancestor worship and the Nuo go downhill, the temple faith gains momentum. For all of the above factors, QunLe people’s religious life eventually presents itself as what we observe today.The current situation of QunLe is closely related to its history from the 1950s to the 1970s. The advocation of atheism has almost completely changed the mainstream thinking, ethics and codes of conduct. Atheism also greatly suppressed the traditional religious activities, leaving no room for their development. The collectivization reform in politics, economy, and organization almost replaced the lineage system which used to be the center of the traditional rural society, bringing all the activities of living and production into the collective order and leading to the collapse of the foundation of people’s traditional religious beliefs.The reform in the 1980s was proved to be not only a transition of the Chinese society from collectivism to individualism but also a "re-ordering" process of the rural society. Right in the "re-ordering" process, the tension, caused by the structural differences of the gender role, is magnified. In the meantime, the differences in their knowledge structure and interpretation of the world become more obvious than ever. Therefore, the gender difference of QunLe people’s religious life is a projection of their different social gender and a product of their local history and social practices.Accordingly, the gender difference of QunLe people’s religious life is bound to maintain for a faily long time.更多还原