民国时期宁夏政治史研究

【作者】 周靖程；

【导师】 陈理；

【作者基本信息】 中央民族大学 ， 专门史， 2010， 博士

【摘要】 一、主要内容本文由绪言、正文所组成。其中,正文部分分为七章,主要内容为：第一章主要介绍民国以前宁夏民族文化的源流与变迁。宁夏早在战国时期就被纳入国家版图,由于其特殊的地理位置、生态环境以及民族构成,使这里成为中央政权与北方游牧民族争夺的要冲之一,是多种民族文化汇合的地带。这种民族间你争我夺、互相对峙的局面,直到元代随着伊斯兰文明在西北的传播与扩展以及回族的形成才得已改变。伊斯兰的皈依与多民族文化的融合,代替了早前频繁的民族迁徙和主体文明的缺失,宁夏由此进入一个相对稳定的历史时期。到了清代,由于政府对西北回族采取“扬汉抑回”的高压政策,加之伊斯兰文明与儒家文化的冲突,导致晚清同光年间西北回民起义的爆发。这次起义虽被清政府镇压,但对近代宁夏历史进程却产生了深远影响。在进一步加深回汉隔阂与仇恨的同时,也促成马家军阀的崛起,他们重新对教权和政权加以整合,并且日渐为清廷所认可、倚重。第二章研究的是马福祥统治时期的宁夏。武昌首义后,辛亥革命的烽火迅速燃遍大江南北,各地的革命军政府纷纷成立,腐朽的满清政府虽试图阻挠,也无力改变如此的滔滔大势。宁夏当时作为甘肃省的一部分,也加入到革命洪流之中,成立了革命军政府。但由于这里的保守势力过于强大,革命党人旋即遭到马麒“西军”的镇压,被迫与军阀妥协,退出宁夏。马福祥此时虽然也曾在宁夏一带镇压革命,但凭借着敏锐的政治嗅觉,他逐渐认清形势,“调停”兵戈,顺应潮流,宣布“赞成共和”。1912年,在被任命为宁夏护军使之后,马福祥凭借着多年的政治声望,在宁夏整编扩军、镇压叛乱,吞并其他武装力量,联合马麒等人驱逐“甘督”张广建,逐渐从一个二三流的角色军阀变为坐镇一方的“西北名宿”。虽然后来马福祥争夺“甘督”失败,但其在宁夏的家族统治丝毫没有动摇,并且成功扩展到绥远地区。第三章研究的是马鸿宾统治时期的宁夏。其间宁夏建省后,冯玉祥部门致中与吉鸿昌曾先后为省主席,但马氏家族在宁夏的影响力与控制力并没有被颠覆,为了便于议论,笔者把其并入马鸿宾统治时期。1921年,马福祥出任绥远都统,宁夏镇守使一职由其侄儿马鸿宾接任。此间,马鸿宾开放烟禁、扩充军队,在马福祥的关照下大有青云直上之势。然而,云谲波诡的民国政局,弱肉强食的残酷竞争,使那个年代的一切都变幻莫测。国民军进驻西北以后,各路地方军阀由于实力不济只得将权力拱手相让,隶其麾下,马鸿宾亦在其列。此后,“宁马”将命运的赌注一分为二,马福祥入朝为官拥护蒋介石,马鸿宾听命于冯玉祥与中央分庭抗礼,直至中原大战结束。马鸿宾虽然曾三次主政宁夏,但后二次不过是历史的瞬间便草草收兵,作为权力斗争的牺牲品,“雷马事变”使其失信,马福祥之死使其失宠,最后不得不终结了自己在宁夏的统治,让位于马鸿逵。自1933年出任宁夏省主席到1949年跟随蒋介石败逃台湾,马鸿逵统治宁夏达17年之久,笔者将其划分为三个时期。第四章研究的是马鸿逵统治宁夏前期,即1933年至1937年。马鸿逵是马福祥的长子,自小就在在父亲的恩荫下少年得志,平步青云,并在“混际”京城期间练就了一身左右逢源的本领。国民军入甘后,马鸿逵先是投靠冯玉祥,后又秉其父意反冯投蒋,试图在中原分一杯羹,得以立足。只是后来由于“剿共不力”开罪于蒋介石,加之乃父去世,失去了朝内靠山,才深知其间的利害,于1933年率十五路军艰难返回宁夏。马鸿逵就任宁夏省主席以后,一面不断排挤马鸿宾的势力,一面不遗余力的堵击红军,并联合其他三马(马鸿宾、马步芳、马步青)成功抗击孙殿英入宁,逐渐在宁夏站稳脚跟。需要特别指出的是,共产党的势力这时也随着长征的胜利而渗入到宁夏,并一度建立起我国历史上第一个县级回民自治政权——豫海县回民自治政府。第五章研究的是抗日战争时期马鸿逵在宁夏的统治。日本自“九·一八”事变侵占东北以后,便把侵略魔爪伸向广大西北地区,他们打着“民族自决”、创建“回回国”的旗号,妄图分裂西北,制造第二个伪满洲国。蒋介石与马鸿逵对此一直保持着高度警惕,多次破坏日伪的特务活动,并逐渐放弃“攘外必先安内”的政策,与共产党携手合作。全面抗战爆发后,蒋介石国民党政府高举“民族主义”的伟大旗帜,进行全民族的社会动员。宁马军阀出于各种考虑也团结在“民族主义”的旗帜下,服从中央的编遣,为抗战做出了巨大贡献。然而,这一切都是以维护家族利益与地盘割据为前提的,马鸿逵虽然高喊抗战,却又积极反共,并且处处限制少年战地服务团的合法活动,破坏抗日民族统一战线。第六章研究的是解放战争时期马鸿逵在宁夏的统治。抗日战争胜利后,蒋介石一面打着建立民主联合政府的幌子与各党派和谈,一面又积极部署军事力量着手反共。宁夏毗邻陕北,自然成为反共阵地的前沿,而且马鸿逵也想乘此机会扩大地盘,把陕北纳入宁夏。马鸿宾、马鸿逵兄弟二人对解放区多次发动进攻,但屡尝败绩,损失惨重。解放战争后期,迫于战事的压力,蒋介石开始让渡更多的权力给“宁马”和“青马”,希望他们能密切合作,保住西北。然而,受制于军阀体制下的利益关系,这种合作很难达到团结的效果,除了内讧就是猜忌,联合不过是一纸空谈。1949年,面对两种命运的抉择,在共产党强大的军事、政治攻势面前,马鸿宾率部起义,毅然站到人民的一边,马鸿逵则负隅顽抗,终至败逃台湾。第七章研究的是马鸿逵统治时期的宁夏政治。1928年蒋介石国民党政权形式上“统一”全国后,中央与地方的关系格局迎来了新的历史阶段,国家控制力较北洋时期大为加强。然而,宁夏由于其特殊的历史文化和民族宗教因素,使国民党的统治势力很难进入,这里仍然沿袭着军阀统治的管理模式。不过这一时期,特别是在马鸿逵统治宁夏后,已完成了由旧式军阀向新式军阀的蜕变,即表示明确拥护中央,服从其领导,淡化割据色彩。在成功排挤中央势力的同时,马鸿逵还不断强化内部统治,集党政军大权于一身,以“团体主义”名义灌输部下的效忠思想和服从意识。此外,他还加强特务统治,钳制舆论自由,大肆屠杀民主进步人士和共产党,对宁夏进行高压独裁专制。经济方面,马鸿逵广开税源,大搞各种专卖和垄断,在使家族财富急剧膨胀的同时,也使宁夏方兴未艾的实业日益萎缩,“开发西北”之成效无几。不过,在文化教育方面,马鸿逵支持创办中阿学校,改革传统经堂教育,为宁夏民族教育及回族文化发展做了一些有益的工作还是应该值得肯定的。二、基本观点20世纪初,在辛亥革命的冲击下,已存在二千余年的封建专制体制彻底崩溃,民主与自由的理念开始在新政权的政治范畴内日益勃兴。然而,无论是北洋政府还是以蒋介石为首的国民党政权都在重构政治权威过程中受到各种主义,以及地方军阀势力的挑战,缺乏一种有效的控制手段和力量,导致封建割据在民国历史上或隐或现地重演。宁夏地处中国西陲,由于中央政府在这里的控制力尤为薄弱,日渐形成“宁马”军阀据乱自雄的局面。但囿于各种条件的限制,以及自身力量的弱小,“宁马”除了具有军阀共有的排他性以外,还具有很强的依附性,它的封建割据态势在一定程度上是以服从中央的前提下完成的,从而导致民国时期的宁夏政治发展存在着不同的轨迹,其进程颇为复杂。1、民国时期宁夏民族关系复杂,回汉之间虽然没有再次发生象晚清那样的大规模民族仇杀,但双方的隔阂与抵触并没有因“民主共和”而得到缓解。而在清政府覆灭后留下的权力真空导致回汉各派势力都想割据称王,角逐十分激烈。2、宁马军阀对中央政府或是大军阀采取联而不盟的政治策略,其实质为维护家族统治服务的政治工具。直接“服从”中央的领导,依附于更大的军阀,可以使自己的统治纳入“正统”、“民主”的范畴,不致授人以“封建割据”之柄,并且可以得到他们的保护,为其他军阀所尊重、忌惮；但“服从”并不等于任其摆布,“宁马”在“依附”于大军阀和中央的同时又保持自身的独立性,从而获得更大的治权和财权,使自己的家族统治日益稳固。3、“宁马”军阀在宁夏的统治实质为封建割据的家族统治,只有家族成员(包括李云祥等亲信)才能受到信任和重用,其他外籍人士,特别是国民党中央派来的官员很难得到马氏的重用,一直被排斥在马氏家族统治之外。4、马鸿宾与马鸿逵在统治宁夏期间,虽然同国民党中央存在着诸多矛盾,尔虞我诈、相互利用,但在防共反共方面,双方的利益是一致的。5、“宁马”军阀的任务社会施政是以家族利益为上的,生产什么、建设什么完全是以家族利益作为取向的,具有军阀体制的强制性和垄断性,宁夏民生并没有因为近代化的发展而得到改善,反而因此更加赤贫。更多还原

【Abstract】 1. Main contentThis article is composed by the introduction and the body. Among them, the body part is divided into seven chapters, the main content is below:ChapterⅠintroduces the origins of the Cultural and Change in Ningxia before the Republic of China. As early as in the Warring States period, Ningxia was included in the national territory. Due to its special geographical location, ecological environment, and ethnic composition, Ningxia become one of a variety of cultural convergence zone in which central government and the North nomads fight. This inter-ethnic fighting situation ended in Yuan Dynasty following with the spread of Islamic civilization and the formation of the Hui in the Northwest.Converted to Islam and multi-cultural integration replaced the earlier national movement and frequent absence of the main civilizations, Ningxia entered into a relatively stable period in history. In Qing Dynasty, as the Government took the high-handed policy "Raise Han and repress Hui" to the Northwest Hui, together with Islamic conflict to Confucian culture, leading to the Hui uprising of the Northwest in the year s of emperors TongZhi and GuangXu. The uprising was suppressed by the Qing government, but it made a profound impact on the historical process of modern Ningxia. Not only further deepen the divisions and hatred back to the Han, but also contributed to the rise of Ma warlords, they re-integrate religious power and political power, increasingly recognized by the Qing government.ChapterⅡresearched the Ningxia ruled by Ma Fuxiang. After the Wuchang Uprising, the flames of XinHai Revolution quickly spread through the both sides of the Changjiang River, the revolutionary military government established all over the country, although the corrupt Qing government tried to block, it can not change such a surging trend. Ningxia, as a part of Gansu Province, also joined the revolution, and established the revolutionary military government. However, the conservative forces were too strong; the revolutionaries were immediately repressed by Ma Qi "Western forces", forced to compromise with the warlords, retreated out of Ningxia. At this time, Ma Fuxiang suppressed the revolution in Ningxia, but with a keen political sense of smell, he gradually recognized the situation, followed the trend with mediation and "in favor of the republic." In 1912, Ma Fuxiang was appointed to the Military Officer of Ningxia, With many years of political prestige, he reorganized by the military expansion and the annexation of other armed forces in Ningxia, suppressed rebellion, associated with Ma Qi to expel "GanSu Director" Zhang guang Jian, gradual shift from a two or three rate role of the warlords into a celebrity sat in Northwest. Although the fight against Zhang guang Jian failed, but Ma Fuxiang’s ruling family in Ningxia did not waver, and successfully extended to Suiyuan area.ChapterⅢresearched the Ningxia ruled by Ma Hongbin. During the Ningxia province, Feng Yuxiang’s subordination Men zhizhong and Ji Hongchang had successively become the governor, but the Ma family’s influence in Ningxia and control did not be subverted. In order to facilitate the discussion, I put it into the Ma Hongbin’s ruling period. In 1921, Ma Fuxiang took up the post of director in Suiyuan, the commander of Ningxia was taken over by his nephew Ma Hongbin. During this ime, Ma Hongbin opened smoke ban, expanded the army, under the care of Ma fuXiang, he gained the rapid advancement in his career skyrocket. However, cloud lying wave of Republican political cunning, brutal competition law of the jungle, so that anything was unpredictable. After the national army stationed in the Northwest, all the local warlords had to obey it because of the small strength power, subordinate under his command, Ma Hongbin also in its columns. Since then, "Ning ma" divided the bet of the fate, Ma Fuxiang became an officer which supported Chiang Kai-shek, Ma Hongbin took orders from Feng Yuxiang until the end of the war the Central Plains. Although Ma Hongbin came into power three times in Ningxia, but the later two times, he hastily withdraw troops, as the victim of power struggle. "Incident of Leima" broke its promise, and Mafu Xiang’s death made him fallen from grace, and finally had to end his history In Ningxia’s rule, giving place to Ma Hongkui.Ma Hongkui ruled in Ningxia for 17 years, since served as governor of Ningxia in 1933 to follow the Chiang Kai-shek regime fled to Taiwan in 1949. The author divided it into three periods. Chapter IV researched the Ningxia ruled by Ma Hongkui early, which from 1933 to 1937. Ma Hongkui is the eldest son of Mafu Xiang, a wunderkind under the shade of his father, during in capital he became an adept to gain advantage from both sides. After the national army came into Ganshu, Ma Hongkui first sought refuge to Feng, afterward, he listen to the recommendations of his father intended to support Mr Jiang, attempting to gain a share in the Central Plains. It was only because of lack achievement in suppressing CCP, in addition his father’s death, Ma Hongkui lost the inward backer, fully aware the interest, in 1933 he led on 15 Army difficult to return Ningxia. After becoming governor of Ningxia, Ma Hongkui push aside Ma Hongbin side’s forces, continue to spare no effort to intercept and attack the Red Army, and joint the other three Mas (Ma Hongbin, Ma Bufang, Ma Buqing) success against Sun Dianying into Ning, gradually gain a firm foothold in Ningxia. Specifically, the Communist forces also had a long march to victory in the infiltration of Ningxia, and once established the first in our history Hui autonomous county government-Yu Hai Hui autonomous county government.Chapter V researched the Ningxia ruled by Ma HongKui in the Anti-Japanese War. since the "9·18" incident, Japan occupied the Northeast of China, he gave extending its tentacles of aggression to the Pacific Northwest, they pretend "national self-determination", creating "back home" on the cover, attempting to split the Northwest, create a second Manchukuo Chiang Kai-Shek and Ma Hongkui had always maintained a high degree of vigilance, destructed the Puppet spy activities many times, and gradually give up the "stabbing outside Home Safe" policy, together with the Communists. Anti-Japanese War broke out; the Chiang Kai-shek Nationalist governments hold high the "nationalism" the great banner of nation-wide social mobilization. Ning ma warlords unite for a variety of considerations, "nationalism" under the banner of the Central Committee of the Reduction and Reorganization of the War made a great contribution. However, all this was to protect family interests and the domain as the prerequisite, Ma Hongkui though shouting Anti-Japanese War, but actively anti-Communist. and the juvenile’s field military first aid team had been restricted, anti-Japanese national united front was destructed.ChapterⅥresearched the Ningxia ruled by Ma HongKui in the War of Liberation. After the victory, Chiang Kai-side name of a democratic coalition government in the guise of peace talks with various parties, on the other side, he actively deployed military forces begin anti-communist. Ningxia adjacent to Shaanxi, it became a natural anti-Communist front positions, and Ma Hongkui would also like to take this opportunity to expand the domain. Ma Hongbin, Ma Hongkui attacked on the liberated areas many times, but they failed at last and suffered heavy losses. In the later Liberation War, the pressure of war forced Chiang Kai-shek began transferring more power to "Ning ma" and "Qing ma" in hope that they can cooperate closely to keep the Northwest. However, under the system of interest, such cooperation was difficult to achieve unity of effect, in addition to infighting that suspicion, as a joint paper talk. In 1949, faced with two choices, in the Communist Party of powerful military and political campaign, Ma Hongbin led his troops in the uprising, decided to stand to the side of the people, Ma Hongkui finally fled to Taiwan.ChapterⅦresearched the Ningxia politics ruled by Ma HongKui. Form of the Kuomintang regime built in 1928 and Chiang Kai-shek "unified" country, the relationship between central and local patterns ushered in a new historical stage; the state control power was greatly strengthened. However, because of its unique history, culture and ethnic and religious factors in Ningxia, Kuomintang forces was difficult to access, where warlords still adhere to the rule of management. But this time, especially ruled by Ma Hongkui, it had been completed by the old warlord warlords to the evolution of new warlords that clearly support the central and obey their leaders, weakened separatist color. Central force was been successful excluded, while Ma Hongkui also continue to strengthen the internal rule, military and political power in one set to "group mentality," the name of ideological indoctrination and obedience underlying sense of loyalty. In addition, he also strengthened the secret rule; restrict public freedom, democracy and progress and the slaughter people and the Communist Party dictatorship in Ningxia for high pressure. Economy, Ma Hongkui open up sources, and vigorously pursued a variety of monopoly and monopoly, in the rapid expansion of families of wealth, but also to the emerging industry of Ningxia shrinking, "Development of Northwest" little effectiveness. However, in education, the Ma Hongkui supporting the establishment of Sino-Arab school, the reform of traditional education by the Church, for the Ningxia Hui and cultural development of national education and has done some useful work should be worthy of recognition.2. Basic ViewpointIn Early 20th century, under the impact of the 1911 Revolution, feudal authoritarian regime in existence two thousand years collapsed. The concept of democracy and freedom began to flourish in the new context of the growing political power. However, neither the Beiyang government nor Chiang Kai-shek suffered the challenges of all kinds of thoughts and local warlords in their reconstruction process of political authority, as well as the lack of an effective control means and power, feudal separatism replayed in the history of the Republic of China. Ningxia was located at western China, because the central government’s control was particularly weak, so "Ning ma" warlord’s chaoses gradually form. According to various conditions and its own weak force, "Ning ma" also had a strong dependence, in addition to the exclusive warlords there. To some extent, its feudal separatism situation based on the obedience to the Central Committee, thus leading to different political trajectories existed in the development of Ningxia during the Republic of China.; the process was very complex.There were complex ethnic relations among the nationalities in Ningxia during the Republic of China, although the large-scale ethnic killing in revenge did not occur in Hui and Han, but the two sides of the barrier and the conflict was not relieved due to the "democratic republic". Because of the vacuum left by the Qing government’s destruction, the factions of Hui and Han set up a separatist regime by forces; the competing for king was very intense."Ning ma" warlords took "Cooperation without Alliance" political strategy to the Central Government or the big warlord, his ruling essence was a political tool to maintain their family ruling service. Obeyed the central leadership directly, attached to larger warlords, can make their rule into the "orthodox" and "democracy" aspect, and did not give a handle to others, and can get their protection, as respected by other warlords; but "obedience" did not mean any of his mercy, while adhering on the big warlords and the central authorities, "Ning ma" maintained its independence, to gain greater autonomy and financial authority, make their family ruling more stable.Virtually, the rule of "Ning ma" warlords in the Ningxia was family ruling on feudal separatism, and only family members (including Li Yunxiang and other cronies) can be trust and put in a important position. The other foreigners, in particular officials of the KMT Central Committee had been excluded from the Ma family, outside from the core.During the reign of Ningxia, although there were many contradictions, intrigues and mutual advantage, Ma Hongbin and Ma Hongkui had the some interests with the KMT Central Committee in defense of anti-communism.The task and social policy of "Ning ma" warlord was up to their family interests, on the production of what the families of what interests were fully oriented, with the warlord system of compulsory and monopolistic, Ningxia people’s livelihood did not improve with the development of modern, but more poor.更多还原