【作者】 张文智；

【导师】 刘大钧；

【作者基本信息】 山东大学 ， 中国哲学， 2010， 博士

【摘要】 人们将易学之流派分为象数与义理两大派,其实在《易传》那里本没有象数与义理之分,直至西汉孟喜、焦延寿、京房生活的宣帝(前73-49年在位)、元帝(前48-33在位)时期,才出现相对独立的象数派易学。象数派易学的产生自有其产生的原因与背景。西汉初期,由于人民流离失所、百废待兴,再加上刘邦对异姓诸侯的猜忌与打压,汉家王朝选择“黄老道学”作为治国理念是历史的必然选择。但随着文、景之时国力的强盛及对同姓诸侯的铲除与打压,建立一种中央集权式的国家已成为汉武帝上台后的心理诉求。董仲舒在其“天人三策”中向武帝勾画出一幅达至“德润四海,泽臻草木,受天之佑,施乎方外,延及群生”之境的治国蓝图,其中亦含有对“天道”、“符命”等问题的回答,并反复强调礼乐教化的重大作用,“独尊儒术”成为历史发展的内在要求,《易经》亦随之以儒家经典的身份正式出现于汉家的政治舞台。而董仲舒“天人三策”中的灾异“谴告说”则为孟、焦、京《易》阴阳系统的出现奠定了理论基础与政治氛围。儒术获得独尊地位的过程也正是武帝削弱诸侯王政治与学术力量,加强中央集权与学术统一的过程。武帝于建元五年(前136年)立《五经》博士后,由于一直忙于征战,无暇顾及礼文之事,只到元朔五年(前124年)才听从丞相公孙弘的建议,为博士置弟子员,并“建藏书之策,置写书之官,下及诸子传说,皆充秘府”,从此以后,公卿大夫吏才“彬彬多文学之士”。在此之前于孝景前二年(前155年)被立为河间献王的刘德修学好古,从民得善书之多与汉朝等,“所得书皆古文先秦旧书：《周官》、《尚书》、《礼》、《礼记》、《孟子》、《老子》之属,皆经传说记,七十子之徒所论”,并立有《毛氏诗》、《左氏春秋》博士。尽管景帝中五年(前145年)以后不再令诸侯国设立博士,但河间献王此举早已受到武帝的猜忌。河间献王于武帝元光五年(前130年)来朝并献雅乐,归国后不久既在猜嫌忧愤中死去。而在武帝建藏书之策、置写书之官后的元狩元年(前122年),淮南王刘安和他的弟弟衡山王刘赐则以谋反的罪名被诛,“党与死者数万人”,为刘安著《淮南子》的宾客们很少有幸免于此难者。这就进一步加强了武帝在学术上的专制。武帝的穷兵黩武与挥霍奢侈造成武帝一朝经济上由盛转衰,而他剥夺相权、游宴后庭、重用宦官、设立中朝则导致政治上的衰落。只到宣帝亲政后恢复相权、省却尚书,才带来西汉的中兴之局面。宣帝中兴时期正是孟、焦易学产生的时代,这时的学术背景是重师法、家法,且是经学内部急剧分化之时。由于宣帝不甚重儒术,为了防止好儒的太子即后来的元帝纯用儒术治国,便重用中书宦官弘恭、石显等。这又为元帝时的政治壅塞及西汉的再次衰落埋下了伏笔。博士制度的演变可以反射出西汉整个学述发展的脉络,从中我们可以更好地为孟、焦、京易学产生的背景及在西汉学术思想史上的地位进行定位。武帝立《五经》博士之前的博士主要是“掌通古今”,与《五经》博士相比较来说,他们可以叫做诸子传记博士。由于汉文帝好刑名之言,景帝不任儒,窦太后又好黄、老术,所以这时的这些博士都是具官待问,未有进者。武帝立《五经》博士后,特别是元朔五年(前124年)公孙弘奏请为博士置弟子员后,通经致用逐步成为文人走向士途的唯一途径。随着经学内部的进一步分化,至昭帝时,乃增博士弟子员满百人,而至宣帝末更倍增之。元帝好儒,能通一经者皆复。成帝末,增弟子员三千人。可见,这是一个加倍扩大的过程。在这一过程中,由于家法、师法林立,受利禄的诱惑,冗长而繁琐的今文经章句之学泛滥,所以才导致“一经说至百余万言,大师众至千余人”的局面,以至于后来刘歆等争立《左氏春秋》、逸《礼》、《古文尚书》等古文经,并掀起以训诂举大谊及以传解经为特色的古文经学学术之新风气。孟、焦、京易学正是在今文经学急剧分化之时被立于学官的。宣帝是武帝时卫太子的孙子,他听说卫太子喜欢《谷梁春秋》,便有意将《谷梁春秋》立于学官。在宣帝的支持下习《谷梁》者经过与治先立于学官的《公羊春秋》者进行激烈的争论之后,《谷梁春秋》最终于甘露三年(前51年)被立于学官。梁丘《易》、大小夏侯《尚书》亦借此机会被立于学官。昭帝至宣帝初,丁宽的学生田王孙为《易经》博士,后来博士缺,众人推荐田王孙的学生孟喜时,宣帝听说孟喜改师法,没有任用孟喜,而拜孟喜的同门师兄施雠为博士。尽管孟喜因诈言从其师处得“《易》家候阴阳灾变书”而失去了一次做博士的机会,但由于董仲舒、夏侯始昌、夏侯胜等阴阳灾异说已为宣帝及众人所普遍接受,所以《孟氏易》在《梁丘易》被立于学官之前仍被立于学官。京房虽然被石显等人迫害致死,但当时阴阳灾异说已成为国家政治的重要组成部分,所以《京氏易》在元帝时依然被立于学官。据《史记·儒林列传》及《汉书·艺文志》、《汉书·儒林传》可知,王同-杨何、丁宽-田王孙两支易学皆祖田何,另外还有韩婴、淮南九师、费直三支易学有可能不直接源于田何。从帛书《周易》所出马王堆汉墓墓主的生活年代与长沙国在汉初的政治地位与地理位置等因素来看,墓主直接从田何处学《易》的可能性不大,帛书《周易》可能是楚地流传的一个《周易》版本,淮南九师有可能采纳过帛书《易传》的内容。但从帛书《易传》的内容来看,他与田何今文易系统仍有紧密的联系,其祖本与田何所传一定有许多相通之处,我们仍应把帛书《易传》视为研究西汉今文《易》系统的重要材料。有可能在武帝于元朔五年(前124年)置写书之官、建藏书之策,并将这些书充于秘府之后,帛书《周易》就弥而不彰了,而于成帝时校秘书的刘向有可能见到过帛书《周易》经、传之版本。施雠、孟喜、梁丘贺虽同为田王孙的弟子,但他们三人分别代表不同的易学趣向。武帝立《五经》博士后,从田何那里分出的王同-杨何一支易学首先取得官学的地位,且后来在武帝一朝一直比较得势。丁宽在吴楚等“七国之乱”时曾作为梁孝王的宾客及将军巨吴楚之兵。平定“七国之乱”后梁孝王因骄奢过度而受到景帝的猜忌,梁孝王因此最后在郁闷中去逝。之后,丁宽像梁孝王身边其他的游士一样返归老家,以授《易》与著书为生。丁宽因做过梁孝王的宾客在武帝朝是被打压的对象,这或许是丁宽一支易学在武帝一朝弥而不彰的直接原因。直到昭、宣之时,丁宽的学生田王孙才成为《易经》博士。施雠从童子时即从田王孙受《易》,且为人谦让,常称学废,他一定是死守师法的代表。梁丘贺本来师从杨何的弟子京房受《易》,后因此京房出为齐郡太守而更事田王孙。由于他和他的儿子梁丘临专行京房法,说明他主要传承的还是王同-杨何-京房一支易学体系。孟喜的父亲孟卿与善言阴阳灾异的《公羊》大师眭孟同师,孟喜喜欢阴阳灾异说或许受他父亲的部分影响。孟喜所得“《易》家候阴阳灾变书”不可能从田王孙处得到,因为当时以《公羊春秋》言灾异的董仲舒及以《尚书》及《洪范五行传》言灾异的夏侯始昌与夏侯胜在此之前皆早已受到皇帝的重视并得到学术界的承认。孟喜所得“《易》家候阴阳灾变书”当另有来源。尽管如此,由于孟喜因此而落下一个改师法的坏名声,所以即使后来《孟氏易》被立于学官,他所教授的《易》阴阳系统的内容可能并不多。但后世归于孟喜的“卦气”思想仍然为西汉的《易》阴阳系统的兴起做了很好的铺垫,而孟、焦、京易学与中国古代时空一体、天人一体的宇宙式图观念又密切相关。这一点从睡虎地秦简《日书》及古代式盘等出土资料可以得到佐证。但孟氏“六日七分”图与这些式图观念又有明显的不同之处。焦延寿与京房所传《易经》与施、孟、梁丘经有很大区别,所以班固说他们师徒两人独得隐士之说。焦延寿告诉京房说曾经从孟喜问过《易》,所以京房认为延寿《易》即孟氏学。尽管孟喜的学生们不肯承认这一点,但从焦延寿“爱养吏民,化行县中”及终生为小黄令的高尚品格,且他本人也过着半隐居式的生活来看,焦延寿没有欺骗京房的必要,但焦延寿之《易》阴阳系统当另有来源,不会直接来自孟喜。焦延寿与丁宽皆为梁人,焦延寿之《易》阴阳系统可能与丁宽所学《周易》古义有内在联系。焦延寿向孟喜问《易》当在孟喜得“《易》家候阴阳灾变书,诸儒以此耀之”以后,且此书与焦延寿所学所传的“以候司先知奸邪”的《易》阴阳系统有许多相通之处。世传《焦氏易林》对卦象进行了极大的扩展,尚秉和从中发现有一百七十余个与《易》相关之逸象。尚先生所谓《易林》之逸象多取自八卦之象形之象,尚先生又说《易林》取大象、半象、覆象等,但他本人在对《易林》进行注解时又不能将这些原则一以贯之,说明尚先生对《易林》的注解仍存在许多问题。《焦氏易林》所附“焦林值日”法与孟喜的“六日七分”暨七十二候卦气说有内在联系。京房又进一步完善了孟喜“六日七分”说及“焦林值日”法。京房易学产生的时代正是一个灾异频仍的时代。京房因言灾异屡中而近幸,又因通过言灾异排斥中书宦官石显、尚书令五鹿充宗等异己而遭到他们的迫害。京房在赴任魏郡太守的途中所上封事中有以“卦气”说言灾异的内容。《汉书·五行志》所引近七十条《京房易传》反映了京房对灾异的推断仍根据《周易》取类比象之思维模式,从中亦可以看出京房对人道与天道关系之认识。《京房易传》与《焦氏易林》所据材料有雷同之处,只是二者推言灾异的理路与机制有所不同。《京氏易传》是现存的研究京房易学思想的主要材料,其中的八宫卦说蕴含的是一种阴阳对待与流行理念,而其纳支、建候、积算等则是根据“隔八生律”的原则而建构,极具规律性。徐昂、郭彧等随意改动京房建候、积算、气候分数等说,说明他们没有发现这些规律与原则。而京房纳甲除据“隔八生律”的原则建构以外,还与先秦“五音六属”、“五官六府”等说有内在联系,说明京氏说有极早之渊源。京氏纳甲说与虞翻“月体纳甲”说有根本的区别。京氏“八卦卦气说”与“八风说”的思维理路是一脉相承的,而其“六子卦气说”与“飞伏说”则含有阴阳分行及互涵互摄的理念。孟、京易学对《易纬》产生了深刻的影响,而《易纬》则对孟、京易学的哲理内涵给给予进一步的拓展。尽管古文经学兴起之后费氏易渐受青睐,但孟、焦、京《易》在东汉一代皆有许多传人。由于孟、焦、京《易》阴阳系统暗含的是一种时空一体、天人一体的宇宙观念,所以据此注解《周易》经传一定会有牵强附会之处。象数作为《周易》的故有组成部分,在孟、焦、京易学这里得到充分的扩展。后世之象数易学包括宋代兴起的图、书之学,几乎皆可从孟、焦、京易学中找到根据。孟、焦、京易学源于中国古代哲学,同时又极大地丰富了中国古代哲学,是汉以后影响中国哲学发展的重要因素,对生活在当代的人们理解人与自然之间、人与人之间的关系亦具有十分重要的借鉴意义。更多还原

【Abstract】 The Yi-ology is generally divided into two schools:numerological school and meaning-pattern school. Actually, there was no this kind of differentiation in the Commentaries of the Change credited to Confucius in which the numerology and meaning-pattern are united into one entity. It was not until the time during the reigns of the Western Han (206 BCE-25 CE) emperors Xuan (r.73-49 BCE) and Yuan (r.48-33 BCE) when Meng Xi, Jiao Yanshou and Jing Fang was living that the comparatively independent numerological school came into being. The thriving of numerology has its own cause and background. In the beginning of the Western Han dynasty, on account of poverty, Emperor Liu Bang’s (r.206-195 BCE) suspicion and cracking down on vassals with different surnames, it was inevitable that the Han court chose the Daoism of Yellow Emperor and Lao zi as its principle of politics. Yet, along with the prosperity in the time of emperors Wen (r.179-157 BCE) and Jing (r.156-141 BCE) and cracking down on the vassals with the same surname, to establish a kind of centralized autocracy turned out to be Emperor Wu’s (r.140-87 BCE) pursuit in mind when he resumed his position. In his Three Replies to Emperor Wu’s Questions concerning the relationship between heaven and humanity, Dong Zhong-shu (179-104, or 194-114 BCE) sketched an ideal blueprint governance to attain to the state of benefiting the four seas and neighbor countries with virtue, which also contains issues of the Dao (Way) of heaven and mandate of heaven. Dong repeatedly emphasizes the function of moral edification with music and rituals, thus solely venerating Confucianism had come to be the internal necessity of the historical development. Along with it, the Yi jing (Book of Changes) appeared in the official political platform as a Confucian Classic. The Three Replies also contain the relationship between catastrophes and the emperor’s governance, founding theoretical basis and political atmosphere for the emergence of Meng Xi, Jiao Yanshou and Jing Fang’s yin-yang system of Change. The process in which Confucianism was obtaining the sole veneration was also a process of weakening vassals’ political and academic strength, as well as a process of strengthening the political and academic centralization, especially since the year of 124 BCE when the secret imperial library to collect books from the grass root was built. Emperor Wu’ extreme extravagance and indulgence in wars led to the economic declining of his court, whereas his deprival of the Prime Minister’s rights and putting eunuchs in crucial positions directly caused political declining. It was not until the reign of Emperor Xuan (r.73-49 BCE) when he comparatively resumed Prime Minister’s rights and abolished eunuchs’involving in the politics that the Han became prosperous again, when Meng Xi and Jiao Yan-shou’s Yi-ology came into being and the academic background that Confucian Classics studies were drastically dividing into different branches. Because Emperor Xuan did not pay much attention to Confucianism, to prevent his son, who ardently loves Confucianism and later became Emperor Yuan (r. 48-33 BCE), from solely applying Confucianism to the statecraft, Emperor Xuan before his death put eunuchs such as Hong Gong and Shi Xian in crucial positions which caused the Western Han dynasty to decline again.The evolution of the system of Erudites could also reflect the academic evolution of the entire Western Han dynasty. Before Emperor Wu established the Erudites for the Five Confucian Classics, the erudites’role was mastery of historical and contemporary knowledge and lessons. After the establishment of the Erudite and Erudite-disciple system from the year of 124 BCE, mastering and applying the Confucian Classics studies to politics had become an effective route for the literati to involve in politics. Along with further internal division of the Confucian Classics studies, the number of the Erudites’disciples was multiplied during the reign of Emperor Zhao (r.87-74 BCE), and was multiplied again during the reign of Emperor Xuan (r.73-49 BCE). Owing to Emperor Yuan’s (r.48-33 BCE) love of Confucianism, those who could master one of the Confucian Classics could be Erudites’ disciples. Till the end of the reign of Emperor Cheng (r.32-8 BCE), the number of the disciples amounted to 3,000. So, it can be seen that, it is a process of multiplication. In this process, on account of the multiplication of different branches in the Confucian Classics studies, boring and too detailed new-text style of exegesis of the Classics appeared and lasted for a period of time and people began to like concise old-text style of hermeneutics initiated by Liu Xin (c.53 BCE-23 CE) who strived for the official positions for the old-text Classics. It was during the time when the new-text Classics studies were drastically dividing that Meng, Jiao and Jing’s Yi-ology were officially established. At a time when the imperial court needed new erudites, the literati recommended Meng Xi who claimed that his teacher Tian Wangsun only gave him a book concerning the prognostication by catastrophes when Tian was dying, which was denied by his classmate Liang-qiu He. Yet, because Emperor Xuan heard that Meng had deviated from his teacher’s teachings, Meng was not selected the Erudite of Change and lost a good opportunity. Yet, because people including Emperor Xuan had accepted the catastrophe theory, Meng’s Yi-ology was finally officially established as a branch of Change before the official establishment of his classmate Liang-qiu He’s Yi-ology in 51 BCE. Though Jing Fang was persecuted to death by sycophantic officials such as Shi Xian and Wu-lu Chongzong, Jing’s Yi-ology was officially established during the reign of Emperor Yuan (r.73-33 BCE), in that the catastrophe theory of yin-yang had become an important part in politics.According to the Ru lin zhuan (Biographies of Confucian Scholars) in Si-ma Qian’s Shi ji (Historical Records) and Ban Gu’s Han shu (History of the Western Han) and Yi wen zhi (Records of Literature) in the Han shu, it can be seen that the two branches of Wang Tong-Yang He and that of Ding Kuan-Tian Wangsun derived from Tian He’s Yi tradition, whereas the Yi-logies of Han Ying, the Nine Masters in the Vassal state of Huainan and Fei Zhi might not directly originate from the teachings of Tian He who was a major figure passing on the Yi jing at the beginning of the Western Han dynasty. This demonstrates that at the beginning of the Western Han dynasty, the Yijing was transmitted not only by Tian He. Besides of these three kinds of records, there are also some records of documents and figures concerning the Yi jing by which we can find that Wei Xiang and Liu Xiang’s Yi-ology might not directly come from the lineage of Tian He. According to the age of the tomb owner of Mawangdui, the political and geographical positions of the Vassal State of Changsha, it was impossible for the tomb owner to directly learn the Yi jing from Tian He. Therefore, the silk manuscript of the Yi jing probably came from a version popular in the Chu area which might be adopted by the nine masters of the neighbor Vassal State of Huainan. Yet, the silk manuscript of the Commentaries also share many similar contents to the received Commentaries originated from Tian He’s tradition. For this reason, the silk manuscript of the Yi jing can still be regarded as a much valuable literature for us to probe the new-text Yi tradition in the Western Han dynasty.Although Shi Chou, Meng Xi and Liang-qiu He were all disciples of Tian Wangsun, their Yi traditions represent three different branches of the Change respectively. After the establishment of the Five-Classic Erudites in 136 BCE, the Yi tradition of Wang Tong and Yang He at first obtained the official position and predominated during the reign of Emperor Wu (140-87 BCE). Ding Kuan was a general and literati of King Liang in oppressing the rebellion of the seven vassal states in 154 BCE. Sitting on the contribution to oppressing the rebellion, King Liang became arrogant and overstepped system of ritual, which aroused his brother, i.e. Emperor Jing’s (r.156-141 BCE) aversion and suspicion. At last, King Liang died in dismay in 144 BCE. Then, like other literati around King Liang, Ding Kuan returned to his hometown and taught disciples. Ding Kuan would be the figures to be oppressed by autocratic Emperor Wu (r.140-87 BCE) in that Ding Kuan had been a general and literati of King Liang. Perhaps this is the reason why the branch of Ding Kuan’s Yi tradition was not popular during the reign of Emperor Wu. It was not until the time of emperors Zhao (r.86-74 BCE) and Xuan (r. 73-49 BCE) that Tian Wangsun, one of Ding Kuan’s disciples, became an Erudite of the Classic of Change. Because Shi Chou, who began to learn the Change from Tian Wangsun when he was a child, was yielding, he must be a representative steadfastly sticking to his teacher Tian Wangsun’s teachings. Liang-qiu He originally learned the Change from another Jiang Fang who was a disciple of Yang He. Later, this Jing Fang was promoted to prefecture chief far from the Capital, then Liang-qiu He began to learn the Change from Tian Wangsun. Because Liang-qiu He and his son Liang-qiu Lin were well versed in his original teacher Jing Fang’s tradition and taught this tradition to ten talented literati under an order of Emperor Xuan, what Liang-qiu He was passing down should be this Jing Fang’s tradition, so he was a representative of this Jing Fang’s Yi tradition. Meng Xi’s love of yin-yang catastrophe theory might be affected by his father Meng Qing who knew well of the catastrophe theory of the Gong-yang school of the Classic of Spring and Autumn. Meng Xi’s book of yin-yang catastrophe theory was impossibly transmitted from his teacher Tian Wangsun, in that the catastrophe theory had been accepted and even encouraged by the emperor and academic circle for several decades and therefore it was unnecessary for Tian to conceal and only gave this book to Meng Xing when he was dying. For this reason, Meng Xi’s yin-yang catastrophe theory of Change ought to have other origins. In spite of this, because Meng Xi got a bad name of deviating from his teacher’s teachings, after his Yi-ology was officially established as an Erudite post, few content of his teachings should be this theory. Yet the Gua-qi theory (correlating the hexagrams to seasonal points) credited to him founded a basis for the thriving of the catastrophe theory of Change in the Western Han dynasty. Meng Xi, Jiao Yan-shou and Jing Fang’s image-numerology is closely related to ancient Chinese cosmology and concept of compass which can be attested by the excavated documents in recent decades.Jiao Yan-shou and Jing Fang’s Yi tradition was so distinctive and much different from Shi, Meng and Liang-qiu’s Yi traditions that Ban Gu asserted that Jiao and Jing’s tradition originated from recluse teachings. Jiao Yan-shou told his disciple Jing Fang that he had once asked and discussed questions of Change with Meng Xi. Therefore, Jing Fang regarded Jiao’s tradition as Meng’s tradition although Meng’s disciples did not agree with him. Because the hometown of both Ding Kuan and Jiao Yan-shou was in the vassal state of Liang, Jiao’s yin-yang theory of Change might be affected by the "ancient connotations" of the Change transmitted by Ding Kuan who taught the Change and wrote books after he returned to his hometown due to King Liang’s death. Nevertheless, Jiao’s yin-yang tradition of the Change is closely related to Meng’s yin-yang theory. Jiao’s Forest of Change greatly expanded the images of the eight trigrams which were explicated by Mr. Shang Binghe who sometimes deviates from his own hermeneutic formulae. Jing Fang further perfected Meng Xi and Jiao Yang-shou’s Qua-qi theory.The time when Jing’s Yi tradition came into being was at a time when there were numerous catastrophes. Thanks to his high accuracy in prognostication by his catastrophe theory of yin-yang, Jing Fang was appreciated by Emperor Yuan (r.48-33 BCE) and had more opportunity to access to the emperor. Because Jing Fang reproached evil officials such as Shi Xian and Wu-lu Chongzong before the emperor, he was persecuted to death by them. Before his death, the emperor believed these evil official’s words against Jing Fang, thus Jing Fang was dispatched to be prefecture chief of Weijun far from the capital, in the road of which Jing Fang wrote to the emperor several letters which related to his catastrophe theory by yin-yang of the Change. The Five-agency Records in the History of the Western Han cited nearly 70 items of Jing Fang’s Commentaries on the Change which manifest Jing Fang’s imagery thinking mode and his view on the Dao (Way) of heaven and humanity. Jiao’s Forest of Change and Jing Fang’s Commentaries on the Change share some historical events for prognostication, yet, with different characteristics in prognostication. Jing’s Commentaries on the Change is a main document extant for us to study Jing Fang’s thought on Yi, which reflect a cosmological view with the balance and rotation of yin and yang forces. The heavenly stems, earthly branches, and accumulation of yin and yang forces are arranged into the hexagrams according to ancient Chinese musicology. His Eight-trigram Qua-qi theory has much early origin in ancient Chinese history. Moreover, Jing’s Na-jia theory (correlating the ten heavenly stems to the hexagram) differs from Yu Fan’s Na-jia theory, while his Six-children Qua-qi theory and Flying & Hiding theory of the lines, trigrams, and hexagrams demonstrate the characteristics of the yin-yang alternation.Meng and Jing’s tradition exerted profound influence upon the Apocrypha of Change, while the latter further extended philosophical connotations of the former.Although Fei Zhi’s Yi tradition was much appreciated when the old-text Classics studies was booming since the end of the Western Han dynasty, there were still a great number of literati concentrated on Meng, Jiao and Jing’s Yi tradition in the Eastern Han dynasty (25-220 CE). Meng, Jiao and Jing’s tradition conceives a cosmology uniting time and space, heaven and humanity into one entity. If the literati interpret the Classic of Change only by this mode, they must encounter many difficulties and give forth far-fetched interpretations. As an intrinsic component of the Change, image-numerology was adequately expanded in the Meng, Jiao and Jing’s tradition, which greatly affected image-numerology of later generations. Meng, Jiao and Jing’s Yi tradition originated from ancient Chinese philosophy, whereas it also extensively enriched ancient Chinese philosophy. Today, it is also significant and referential for us to understand the relationship between human and nature and the relationship between man and man.更多还原