【作者】 彭淑庆；

【导师】 路遥；

【作者基本信息】 山东大学 ， 中国近现代史， 2009， 博士

【摘要】 义和团运动高潮时期,清廷中央采取“招拳御侮”的政策,利用义和团以对抗外国列强的武装侵略,北方陷入战乱和社会动荡之中。此时,坐镇南方的两江总督刘坤一、湖广总督张之洞等东南大吏,在盛宣怀等绅商精英的引线联络下,利用中央政令歧出的漏洞和自身所掌控的政治、经济、军事以及外交等方面的资源,拒绝执行清廷的“宣战”上谕,并与各国驻上海领事议订《东南保护约款》九款和《保护上海城厢内外章程》十条,确定了“中外互保”、“两不相扰”的基本原则,即所谓“东南互保”。东南互保不仅是义和团运动时期的重大政治事件,更是有着深厚社会基础和强烈社会反响的一场区域性社会运动。它是东南社会在特定的历史空间中,为维持空间秩序的相对稳定而采取的特殊政策。东南互保为什么能够形成,以及它是如何形成和维持并最终走向破产的?东南互保的历史过程凸显出多元的社会意识心态,反映了晚清社会转型时期国家、地方与社会三者之间复杂的互动关系。本文试从区域史的研究视角,在以往研究的基础上从以下几个部分对东南互保运动做进一步的历史回顾和重新解读。第一章,作为区域社会运动的“东南互保”——兼论“东南互保”的首倡者诸说。本章作为全文的“引子”和“切入点”,从东南互保的概念、性质以及学术界众说不一的东南互保之“首倡”问题着眼,提出本文的研究视角和取向。历史事件总是在特定历史空间中发生的,历史空间又与地域环境、社会结构和政治气候密切关联,由此构成一种相对稳定的空间秩序。而空间秩序受到内外因素的挑战,不断被维持、调整甚至重建。在这个“调适”的过程中,就会凸显出多元性的社会意识心态。东南互保既是一个重大政治事件,又是一次具有鲜明区域性特征、影响巨大的社会运动,反映了晚清国家、地方与社会的互动关系。这样一场运动,绝非某个人的智慧和能力所及,也不是作为外部条件的西方列强所导致。东南互保酝酿之初并没有统一的组织,而是各派精英为形势所逼分头联络、同时进行的自发行为。从这个意义上来说,无论是所谓的“东南意识”还是各项“互保”活动,都是晚清东南社会特殊的政治、经济、文化场域在受到外部挑战过程中所萌发的一种自觉的群体行为。因此,我们应将其纳入区域社会史的研究范畴,摆脱“个人英雄史观”和“西方中心观”的束缚,将研究的重心转移到分析区域社会内部的阶层群体和特殊的权力资源结构,以及在此基础上所形成的复杂、多元的社会意识心态。只有这样,才能更有力地揭示这一时期国家、地方与社会之间复杂的互动关系。第二章,东南互保前的政局形势。本章主要分析东南互保运动的国内、国际时代背景。东南互保在很大程度上是地方政权和部分社会精英联合发起的对中央政权的抵制行动,表现为国家与地方社会空前的离心力。这种离心倾向在戊戌政变后,在“己亥立嗣”所引发的“废立”风波中就已经充分暴露。东南社会尤其是工商阶层和海外华人奋起抵制清廷的废帝阴谋,刘坤一等东南督抚虽接受“立嗣”,但也明确反对废黜光绪帝。此时,义和团运动正逐渐走向高潮,清廷的“招抚”政策也越来越明显,这引起了东南督抚及东南社会各阶层的强烈不满。在对光绪帝和义和团的态度上,地方督抚与社会精英因利益的一致性而达成了相当的默契,从而使二者与清廷之间的离心力更加凸显。此外,帝国主义的世界政策及其远东战略是东南互保得以形成和维持的重要外部条件。帝国主义列强始终是左右东南互保命运的决定性力量,可以说东南互保因之而形成亦因之而破产。东南互保的策划者们正是利用了列强世界政策及其远东战略中力求“均势”、相互牵制的特点,采取了“以夷制夷”的传统外交策略,才使东南互保在夹缝中得以艰难地维持。第三章,东南社会之权力资源结构。东南互保运动有着深厚的社会基础,它植根于区域社会的内部,其根本内因和动力乃源于东南社会的特殊权力资源结构。晚清社会结构转型时期的阶层流动,加深了地方社会官、绅、商、学各阶层的渗透,从而形成了一个相互之间复杂关联的权力资源网络。晚清咸、同以后,中央与地方的关系逐渐凸显为“内轻外重”的二元格局,地方督抚的权力、权威日渐增强,并在很大程度上左右国家的政策。地方—社会权力资源网络所凝聚的政治、经济、外交、军事以及信息资源,为东南互保之形成与维持提供了充分的保障。第四章,东南互保之经过。本章重在阐述东南互保运动中,地方—社会权力资源网络是如何具体运作和发挥作用的。东南互保经历了一个由“自保”到“互保”、由设想到实践、由产生到破产的历史过程。在这个过程中,刘坤一、张之洞等东南督抚是最高决策者,盛宣怀则为总枢纽。东南互保从方案筹议到具体联络、谈判,都是东南官、绅、商、学各阶层精英在督抚支持下,调动地方社会所有政治、经济、外交、军事和文化资源共同实施的。第五章,东南社会之意识心态与政治异动。国家政策对地方政权和社会民众会产生极大的影响力,社会随之也会对地方政权和国家产生互动性反应,从而凸显出多元的社会意识心态和复杂的社会政治行为。义和团运动时期,东南社会各种意识心态交错融汇,形成了一股强有力的“东南意识”,为东南互保进行鼓吹和动员。而东南社会各种政治派系、团体林立,“帝党”、“后党”、“维新派”、“保皇派”、“革命派”以及长江流域的各种会党势力,都想利用庚子乱局提出符合自身集团利益的各种政治主张,并展开相应的政治活动。如孙中山领导的革命派在发动惠州起义的同时,还秘密策动李鸿章宣布“两广独立”,维新派在帝国主义的支持下,也在策动刘坤一、张之洞等人成立“新政府”,实施所谓“联邦自治”,唐才常等所领导的自立会与自立军则利用革命派、保皇派以及长江流域其他各种会党势力,以“清君侧”、“勤王救上”的名义发动武装起义。但是这些思想和活动与地方督抚所主张的东南互保,在宗旨上是根本矛盾的,因而最终被地方政权镇压以失败告终。尽管没有成功,但它们对于东南互保以及20世纪初的政局形势所产生的社会政治影响力是不容忽视的。第六章,分野与认同:东南社会对“浙江三忠”的祭事活动述论。本章以上海报刊舆论为中心。报刊舆论是晚清社会意识心态的晴雨表,是进行思想宣传与社会动员的重要工具。本章作为全文的余论部分,以“浙江三忠”(三位在清廷任职的浙江籍官员袁昶、许景澄、徐用仪)被杀事件为研究个案,以《申报》、《新闻报》、《中外日报》等报刊舆论为线索,力图通过对“三忠”被杀后东南社会舆论及活动的梳理,深入分析这一时期社会民众对国家、地方与社会关系的认知态度和活动表现。东南社会针对“浙江三忠”的一系列舆论和活动,突出反映了义和团运动期间形成的南北分野格局,同时也强化了东南绅商、买办和官僚阶层所精心炮制的东南意识之区域认同感和向心力。这种认同感和向心力是东南互保形成和发展的重要社会思想基础。需要强调的是,无论“分野”还是“认同”意识,其主流都是相对的,而不是绝对的;是区域的,而不是整体的;是建立在改良基础上的,而不是革命性的。从区域史视角对东南互保运动进行再研究,不仅可以弥补和纠正以往研究的不足和缺陷,而且对于我们深入认识晚清社会结构变迁,以及转型时期国家、地方与社会互动关系规律有重要的学术价值。更多还原

【Abstract】 During the climax of the Boxer Movement, the government of the Qing Dynasty adopted a new policy named "enlisting boxers to be against foreign aggression", using the power of boxers to fight against foreign invasions. Since then, people in the north area were bogged down in the wartime hardships and social upheavals. At the same time, government officials in south such as Liu Kunyi, the governor-general of Jiangnan and Jiangxi provinces, Zhang Zhidong, the governor-general of Hubei and Hunan Provinces, etc., were introduced to each other by some gentry elites like Sheng Xuanhuai. Exploiting the loophole of divergent opinions in the central government, with rich political, economic, military and foreign resources dominated by them, these officials refused to execute the imperial edict of declaring wars on foreign powers, instead, they signed "Treaty on Protecting the Southeast" nine articles and "Rules on Protecting the Inside and Outside Areas of Shanhai City" ten articles, and finally confirmed the fundamental policies of "Mutual Protection" and "Mutual Non-interference" which exactly are the so-called "Mutual Protection in the Southeast".The Mutual Protection in the Southeast is not only an important political event during the time of the Boxer Movement, but also a regional social movement with a fixed social foundation and strong social reflections. It was a special policy adopted by the Southeast to maintain the whole society relatively stable in a certain period of history. It was formed, maintained, and finally went into bankruptcy, but why and how? This period of history highlights a multi-type of social ideology, and also reflects a complex and interactive relationship among the nation, the regions and the whole society during the transition phase in the late Qing Dynasty. Based on the former researches, this thesis is intended to review and reinterpret that historical event from a regional history perspective and it mainly consists of six chapters.Chapter One, "Mutual Protection in the Southeast" as Regional Social Movement: Additionally on Some Relevant Initial Theories. As the introduction part and also a point of penetration to the following research, this chapter provides a new perspective and research trend from the definition, properties and various opinions on the "initial advocate" of the movement. A historical event occurs usually in a certain space, which is always closely connected to the geographic environment, social structure and political atmosphere. Elements in the space thus are relatively in a stable order. When challenged by some inside or outside factors, the space order will be continuously maintained, adjusted or even restructured. In this way, multi-type of social ideologies will emerge in the process. As an important political event, the "Mutual Protection" movement shows a distinct regional feature and also great influences on the society. It also reflects an interaction among the late Qing Dynasty government, the regions and the whole society. Such a movement cannot be organized by a certain person even with tremendous intelligence and capabilities. Not should it be brought about by foreign powers. It was originally spontaneous but not organized. Compelled by the social situation at that time, elites in different areas and fields went separately to find supporters and accidentally came together at the same time forming such a movement. In this sense, either the so-called "consciousness in the Southeast" or the various "Mutual Protection" activities could be taken as a spontaneous groups action arising in the process when the special politics, economy and culture in the south and the east were challenged in the late Qing Dynasty.Based on the aforementioned, we should categorize this event into the regional social history researching area, throwing off the chains of "conception of history as determined by individual heroes" and "conception of history centered by foreign countries". The research emphasis also should be shifted to the analysis of different social classes and the special structure of authoritiy resources appeared in a certain region. The complex and multi-type of social ideologies based on that should be analyzed as well. Only in this way can the complicated interactive relationships among the nation, the local regions and the whole society be revealed effectively.Chapter Two, Political Situations before the Mutual Protection in the Southeast, mainly an analysis about the national and international background of the movement. Mostly, the "Mutual Protection" can be taken as an opposition to the central government advocated by the unison of local political power and some social elites, appearing as an unparalleled deviation between the nation and the local society. In fact, this deviation tendency had been completely exposed in the "deposition and enthronement" disturbance caused by the "enthronement in 1899" after the Reform Movement of 1898. People in the south and the east, especially the working and trading classes, the overseas Chinese, rose to resist the scheme of deposition planned by the empress party. Governors in the south and the east like Liu Kunyi also definitely and openly opposed the deposition of Emperor Guangxu, though they agreed with the dynasty to adopt a new heir for succession. At the same time, with the Boxers event going to a climax, the Qing government became more and more tending to appease rather than suppress the Boxers, which caused a lot of complaints from various classes in the south and the east. Having the same interests, the local governors and social elites appeared more deviated to the Qing government. Besides, imperialists’ policies on the world and the Far East are the important external conditions for the formation and maintenance of this movement. As a decisive power in protection, imperialists led to the formation and also failure of the movement directly. It was just because of the utilization of the checks and balances featured by the imperialists’ policies on the world and the Far East, restricting foreign powers using their own policies that the planners of the movement could struggle to maintain the mutual protection in the Southeast.Chapter Three, the Structure of Authority Resources in the Southeast.Based on a fixed social foundation, the "Mutual Protection Movement" was deeply rooted in the regional society, and it was caused and motivated basically by the special The structure of authority resources in the south and the east. Floating social classes during the transition period of the late Qing Dynasty deepen the pervasion in various classes such as governors, gentries, businessmen, and scholars, etc., forming a complex and interactive authority resource network. Later after Qing Emperor Xianfeng and Emperor Tongzhi, the relationship between the Qing government and the local regions appeared to be a pattern of duality, with the inside being light and loose, and the outside severe and tight. Powers and authorities of the local governors expanded greatly and even could influence the policies of the whole country to a great extent. Politics, economy, diplomacy, military affairs and information resources condensed in this authority resource network effectively guarantee the formation and maintenance of the mutual protection in the Southeast.Chapter Four, the Whole Process of Mutual Protection in the Southeast.mainly about the way in which the authority resource network works in practice and the way it functions. The movement progressed from "self-protection" to "mutual protection", experiencing a process from imagination to practice, from formation to the failure. In this process, southern and eastern governors like Liu Kunyi and Zhang Zhidong played roles as top decision makers, and Sheng xuanhuai as the general terminal. From its plan to the liaison and negotiation, it was the social elites of various classes in the south and the east who utilized all the resources and carried it out.Chapter Five, Interaction between Social Ideologies in the Southeastern Society and Politics.National policies will have great influences on local political powers and people, along with which so will the whole society. Multi-type of social ideologies and complex social and political actions thus appear. During the period of the Boxer Movement, various social ideologies intermingled and merged to become a strong stream of "southern and eastern ideology", advocating and mobilizing for the mutual protection. A variety of political factions and organizations existed in the south and the east, such as "the Emperor’s party", "the Empress’s party", "the Bourgeois reformists", "the Pro-government camp", and "the Revolutionary school". All of them longed for policies which were beneficial for themselves and conducted a series of political activities under the cover of chaos in 1900. For instance, while revolting in Huizhou, the Bourgeois Revolutionary School led by Sun Yat-sen also instigated Li Hongzhang to declare the independence of both Guangdong and Guangxi provinces. With the aid of foreign imperialists, the Bourgeois reformists inspired governors like Liu Kunyi and Zhang Zhidong to set up a "new government", practicing a so-called "self-governing commonwealth". In collusion with the Bourgeois reformists, the Pro-government camp, and the other organizations in the Yangtze Valley, the Independent Baptists led by Tang Caichang launched armed uprisings in the name of "Cleaning of the Crafty and Fawning" and "Revolting for Salvation". However, all of them were finally repressed by the local powers just because their activities and thoughts were contradicted to the "Mutual Protection" movement in basic principles. Despite the failure, the influences on the movement and the political situation in the early 20^th century are tremendous.Chapter Six, Division and Identification: a description on the sacrificial offerings to the "Three Loyal Ministers in Zhejiang Province" in the Southeast with the remarks in the Shanghai newspapers of the time as clues. Being the barometer of social ideologies in the late Qing Dynasty, newspaper remarks could be taken as an important medium to propaganda and to mobilize. In this chapter, with the remarks in the Shanghai newspapers of the time （Shen Bao, Universal Gazette, Xinwen Bao ） as clues and the murdering of the "Three Loyal Ministers in Zhejiang Province （Yuan Chang, Xu Jingcheng, Xu Yongyi）" as a study case, people’s attitudes and reflections on the triple relationships among the nation, local regions and the society after the murdering case will be analyzed. These series of reflections showed clearly the division pattern between the South and the North, while at the same strengthened the southern and eastern sense of regional identification and centrality created elaborately by the gentries, comprador and bureaucratic classes. This kind of identification and centrality is no other than the social ideological base for the formation and development the mutual protection movement. What should be noted is that both division and identification are relative but not absolute, regional but not national, reformational but not revolutionary.A restudy on the "Mutual Protection Movement in the Southeast" from a regional history perspective can make up the drawbacks and rectify the former researches. Besides, it is also of great significance for us to comprehensively and deeply recognize the social changes in the late Qing Dynasty and the rule of interactive relationships among the nation, local regions and the society in the transitional period.更多还原