节点文献
唐代士子教育资源研究
Study on Intellectuals’ Education Resource in Tang Dynasty
【作者】 宋社洪;
【导师】 牟发松;
【作者基本信息】 华东师范大学 , 中国古代史, 2009, 博士
【摘要】 自汉迄魏晋南北朝,无论形式还是事实上,读书入仕皆被特权阶层垄断。隋唐时期,科举制度臻于完备,士子读书入仕机会的形式平等才有了制度保证。然而,教育资源投资和占有水平的差距,依然导致唐代不同阶层士子读书入仕机会的事实不平等。所谓教育资源,指唐代士子为科举及第的目的,通过家庭(家族)或个人资源和个人努力的投资而获得的教育机会和途径。教育本身也是一种资源。士子政治、经济、文化、社会关系等资源的占有水平影响其对教育资源的投资和占有水平,是导致不同阶层士子科举入仕机会事实不平等的重要原因。本文广泛收集相关资料,大量利用唐五代笔记小说、唐人诗文,尤其墓志碑铭资料进行论述,共分六章。绪论进行学术史回顾并提出问题,结语综述全文并做出结论。开元以前,唐代官学总体处于上升通道,生员多、地位高,录取配额高。开元十五年(727),吏部定限录取总量,又定限生徒、乡贡的录取配额,直接导致了两监生员的大量离散,州县学生员亦纷纷脱离官学,改走乡贡一途,唐代官学面临着前所未有的严重危机。面对危机,玄宗、代宗曾出台一系列措施,如降低入学门槛、扩大招生范围,甚至取缔乡贡等,意图挽救。然而,生徒、乡贡录取配额比既不能有重大改变,乡贡又无法取消,一切努力都只能徒劳,德宗贞元中,官学的衰败终成定局。官学兴盛之时,相较于私学而言,拥有较多优质教育资源。教师多科举正途出身,既便未及第者亦多属通经能文之士;校舍营修、生员食宿、教师聘用等,皆由各级政府财政承担;教师、生员皆有相应的行为规范,日常教学管理较为完善;录取配额高度集中,优势明显。但优质教育资源占有并非各级官学一致,而是依学校级别高低不同,有较大差距,学校级别越高,优质教育资源的占有水平亦越高。官学依入学资格的高低不同,据员阙等额补足,品官子弟依其家庭官阶、门荫,直接补入较高级别的学校,庶民士子则只能考补较低级别的学校。因此,在官学这一特殊场合,不同阶层士子优质教育资源的占有,进而科举及第量(率),从一开始就被其政治资源占有水平决定了,广义士族子弟凭其出身优势,获得了官学最大部分的优质教育资源。家庭和家族内部教育资源的优势主要表现在:授业者学养普遍较高,既便教孤之寡母,亦有一定的经史文学修养;家庭藏书大致能满足子弟习业之需;家庭经济状况一般较好,至少可以保障子弟完成学业的基本需求。相对优势的教育资源带来了显著的教育成效。家庭和家族内部教育的基础性教育非常成功,为子弟在激烈的科举竞争中占据优势打下了坚实的经史文学基础,故子弟科举及第率较高。然而,教育资源的优势乃家庭和家族投资和努力所得,故优势同时就意味着较高的准入门槛。因此,家庭和家族内部教育虽然在各个阶层家庭中都可见到,但主要存在于广义士族家庭。换言之,对家庭和家族内部教育资源的投资和占有,广义士族子弟占据着绝对的优势。家庭和家族以外的私学教育类型多样,教育资源优劣不同,各有其特点。进行基础性教育的村坊学校,教学条件很差,教师水平普遍不高。私家讲学对学生没有出身、地域和员额的限制;授业者水平较高,但缺乏社会资源,无力引荐学徒;非体制内的身份受制于乡贡有限的录取配额,故及第者极少。私授是精英教育,其教育资源的优势主要体现在,授业者多当时名士,有较优质的社会资源,教学又极富针对性;入门受业者少而精,多天资聪颖,学业出众,故及第量(率)很高。习业山林寺院是最为开放的教育资源,其优势在于有较好的师资,有丰富的藏书,有三五成群的同学。由于家庭经济资源占有的差距,士子山林寺院习业的环境差异很大,因此,虽然广义士族子弟多家居习业者,山林寺院习业的庶民士子稍多于广义士族子弟,但广义士族子弟仍然因教育投资的优势,有更佳的习业环境,获得了更高的科举及第量(率)。要之,家庭和家族以外的私学教育资源,虽非广义士族子弟教育投资的主阵地,但在优势教育资源的投资和占有上,庶民士子仍然居于下风。士子对优质教育资源的投资和占有,并非一成不变,而是依时代不同而有相应的变化,庶民士子的投资和占有水平有个缓慢提升的过程。开元以前,庶民士子不仅教育资源投资和占有处于绝对的劣势,而且,意图经乡贡一途科举及第,其概率也极低。开元至贞元年间,庶民士子有了更多的教育投资机会,并在一定程度上提升了教育资源的占有水平,但对优质教育资源的投资和占有,与广义士族子弟相较,差距仍然很大。至晚唐,在优质教育资源的投资和占有,进而科举及第量(率)上,庶民士子与广义士族子弟的差距,在缓慢地缩小。士子教育资源投资和占有,亦随着地域的不同而稍有变化,但这种变化受整个社会政治、经济、军事形势的影响大,受士子个人和社会资源动员能力的影响小。唐代庶民士子对优质教育资源的投资和占有水平,虽然随着时代的变化,在逐部的提升,但其提升的幅度极其有限,至少至唐亡,也未对广义士族子弟的优势地位形成重大威胁,因此,其科举及第量(率)虽也逐步上升,但幅度毕竟有限,并不能从根本上改变唐代社会阶层垂直流动的凝固状态。庶民士子教育资源投资和占有水平长期不能得到有效提升,有着深深的时代印记。其一,唐代士族残余势力尚存,政府承担起官办教育的责任,却不能对庶民士子充分开放,故政治资源占有的优势对优质教育资源占有的作用极为直接和明显,庶民士子无论怎样努力和投资,也敌不过广义士族子弟先天出身的优势。其二,当乡贡地位上升,读书入仕机会增多时,庶民士子教育投资的热情也有上升。然而,唐代教育成本太高,既便一个完整的中下级官吏家庭,供养一个读书人也不轻松,受制于经济资源的劣势,庶民士子教育投资能力极低。其三,唐政府推行科举制度,并不断加以完善,使之朝公平公正方向发展,为庶民士子制造了一个稳定的读书入仕的希望。然而,庶民士子及第量(率)一直处于极低的水平,终究无法形成“万般皆下品,唯有读书高”的共识,对教育的投资自然缺乏积极性和稳定性,只有少数资源占有水平较高的庶民士子愿为之付出财富、时间和精力。其四,前述因素又导致了另一结果,当士子因故无法在父母荫护下安心习业,不能不苦学成才之时,多数庶民士子只能选择放弃学业。因此,孜孜苦学、坚持完成学业的士子,绝大多数为广义士族子弟。庶民士子既然连苦学的机会都很少,欲读书晋身,何其之难!总之,唐政府不能完全承担教育投资的责任,学校不能充分向各阶层士子开放,学校教育与贡举就不能充分结合,士子就不可能在同一平台展开竞争。私学教育投资依赖于家庭(族)经济、文化、社会关系者多,而在诸多资源的占有和动员能力上,庶民阶层皆远不及广义士族阶层。因此,庶民士子对优质教育资源的投资和占有,就只能长期处于劣势地位,遂导致庶民士子科举及第量(率)长期在低位徘徊,对凝固的社会阶层垂直流动根本无法带来较大的冲击。
【Abstract】 Since Han Dynasty to Southern and Northern Dynasties, privilege class monopolized the course of becoming reserve official through study. In Shui Dynasty and Dang Dynasty , the approved imperial examination system brought pro forma equality to intellectuals of all classes. But in fact, due to unbalanced education resources input and occupancy, intellectuals of different classes can not be educated equally. Education resource means the chance to be educated by the support from family or personal endurance. The inclined political economical and social relationship share between gentry and plebian intellectuals is the very reason causes the actual inequality in education. Through the analysis of notes, novels, poems and epitaph in Tang Dynasty, the introduction of this thesis takes a review of imperial examination system, and tries to unscramble it in conclusion.Before Kaiyuan, the official education was on its ascending time. It has more and more intellectuals and enjoys high social state. Since the 15th year of Kaiyuan (year 727 A.D.), Ministry of Personnel began to restrict the reserve official recruiting rate and cut the quote for official educated intellectuals, which results in intellectuals losses in public school and development of private school in provincial level . The policy pushed the official education to a dilemma situation. To solve this crisis, Emperor Xuan and Emperor Dai took many measures such as lower the entry standard for official school, extend the recruiting scope, and they even tried to call off private school. Since there would be no share change for intellectuals graduated from public and private education, all these measures affected nothing but brought the collapse of official education.Compared with private education, the public school enjoyed more education resources at beginning, such as teachers with imperial examination experiences, government shouldered budget, definite rules and regulations, comprehensive daily education plan and high matriculate rate. But the sound education resource is not distributed equally. Normally, the school of high level will have some priority. The qualificatory check for government school causes the gentry intellectuals have chance to study in high level school while the plebian intellectuals were forced to lower level school. From this aspect, the imperial examination recruiting rate is decided by the education occupancy of different social classes, and the gentry intellectuals grabbed most resources of the official education.The private or family owned education also has its outstanding points: talented teacher (even teacher for lower level)and adequate libraries. Private education mainly existed in families with sound economic condition, which means the gentry intellectuals could pay their all attention to study. In fact, the primary education for private school is successful, which provides intellectuals with solid knowledge foundation in fierce imperial examination. Since the private school were mainly set up by big families or some families joint investment , so the gentry class always grabbed the advantage of family owned education.Except public and family owned education, there were some other kinds of education. Village school shouldered the responsibility of primary education, and such school can not afford good teacher or study condition. Give lecture has no limit on the intellectuals’ background, residency and quantity. The scholar for give lecture always wisdom people, but they did have political background , so their intellectuals could not take the advantage of this education in imperial examination. Minority teaching is elite education, and the teachers were celebrities, who have good social relationship . This kind of education is penitent and the intellectuals are always talented, which is the reason so many intellectuals studied here got many process in their personal political career. Temper study is one kind of open study, wit teachers and enough library books attracted more and more intellectuals. Since the economic condition variance between gentry and plebian intellectuals, the gentry class got the better education resources and they could go further in imperial examination system.The education resource share changes with time. Gradually plebian intellectuals occupied some education share. Before Kaiyuan, compared with gentry intellectuals, plebian intellectuals would have less chance to become reserve official through imperial examination. Since Kaiyuan to Zhenyuan, plebian intellectuals got more and more access to education but there still a big gap between two classes, which decreased in later Tang Dynasty. Different districts also affected the education share, which branded by social, political and militarily change instead of intellectuals’ intension and social resources .Although the sound education share for plebian intellectuals grow with time, but its speed and scope was limited. To Tang Dynasty’s perdition, gentry class still controlled the high grade education share. So from this aspect, imperial examination did not change vertical flow for different classes.There were many social reasons for education difference in this period: Firstly , gentry class controlled the power, and the government dominated official education would incline to gentry intellectuals. No matter how hard plebian intellectuals tried, they can not override the identity difference. Secondly, the private education promoted the plebian enthusiasm for education, but most of the plebian intellectuals could not get strong economic support from their family. Thirdly, the aim for imperial examination for Tang Dynasty is to create hope for plebian that they could become reserve official through study. But the low maculate rate for plebian could not forge a thought "Nothing is elegant than study" in social scope. So only minority of the plebian intellectuals would invest stable time, money and energy to education. Fourthly, since plebian intellectuals could not get support from their family, they would give up study. So those people who had finished study were always gentry intellectuals. Plebian even did have chance to finish study , how could they have opportunity to become reserve official through imperial examination ?In conclusion, the government for Tang Dynasty could not handle the whole education system in social level, and public schools could not open to intellectuals of all kinds classes, which means intellectuals could not compete in the same platform. Private education depended on so much on family economic condition, culture background and social relationship. Gentry class could utilize more social resource than plebian class, so plebian class was in an inferior situation of education, and the maculate rate for plebian class was low, which could not change vertical class structure of society.
【Key words】 Tang Dynasty; Gentry Intellectuals; Plebian; Intellectuals; Education resources; Input and Occupancy Difference;
- 【网络出版投稿人】 华东师范大学 【网络出版年期】2009年 12期
- 【分类号】K242
- 【被引频次】5
- 【下载频次】833