【作者】 白晓霞；

【导师】 程金城；

【作者基本信息】 兰州大学 ， 中国现当代文学， 2009， 博士

【摘要】 本论文以20世纪八十年代土族地区的民间叙事为基本的研究对象，将民间叙事置于性别语境中进行了相应的文化分析。“性别语境”是指与“社会性别”紧密联系的文化语境，按照女性社会学家的理解，社会性别是同人的生物性别相区别的一个概念，它强调性别的文化特征，是社会与文化赋予男性气质与女性气质的种种意义。“性别语境中的土族民间叙事研究”即从社会性别文化的视角去关注土族民间叙事，把握叙事主体在接受、重构、传承民间叙事时的性别倾向及由此产生的社会文化意义。目前学界研究土族叙事文学时大多采用静态的文本分析方法和传统的文体分类研究方法。尚未见到从性别语境的视角入手采用文化研究的方法去研究土族民间叙事文学的成熟文章，因此，本论文的研究有意于去填补这一学术空白。本论文涉及到的与口头叙事作品相关的民俗文化背景均来自于笔者的田野作业，结论即建立在对第一手资料分析研究的基础之上。土族是一个有着自己独特文化传统的民族，在很长的一段时间里，其民间信仰、人生礼仪、服饰民俗、饮食民俗、居住民俗、日常习俗都迥异于其他民族，不仅有自己特殊的文化表象，更有着自己深刻的文化内涵。建国之后到八十年代，在全国人民统一的政治进程中，随着政治上的解放与经济方式的改变，这种文化多元性逐渐弱化，文化同质性成为鲜明的时代特征。八十年代的改革开放带来了土族地区经济的发展和文化多元性的恢复，随着民族区域自治政策和宗教信仰自由政策的落实，土族地区的传统文化完成了逐步恢复的过程，在这样一个时代语境中，人们对此前断裂了的民间文化表现出前所未有的恢复热情与重建激情，于是，民间叙事自然勃兴。与此同时，改革开放带来了土族女性生存环境的极大改变，土族女性的思想意识出现了相应的变化。然而，值得注意的是，由于八十年代的土族村落基本上是费孝通所说的非常典型的“乡土社会"，支配其运行的经济伦理(指与乡村经济活动和经济关系相联系的伦理关系和伦理原则)也是十分典型的中国传统乡村经济伦理。所以，土族女性的个我发展与思想变化都呈现出了与汉族地区女性发展问题不同的特点。简单地来说，八十年代土族女性的发展是一种裂变式地发展，即女性一方面不得不中规中矩地守望着传统，另一方面却又不能不奋力萌生出现代意识的幼苗，开始思考关于自身文化的诸多问题。女性的诸种变化引起了男性的文化关注，他们无法对这种变化进行精确地定义和准确地评价，但是，女性试图变化的细微动态却引起了男性心理深层的文化焦虑，女性的文化动作发出了试图改变现有社会秩序的信号，这引起了男权文化体系的警觉与注意。由于文字的缺失，民间叙事成为表达社会性别意识、体现社会性别文化的重要方式。至此，我们得出一个结论，性别语境中的民间叙事展现了女性和男性对于人的现代性问题的感性认知与理性思考，于是，一场关于现代性的思想交锋与文化论争在民间叙事中逐步展开。在这样一个过程中，民间叙事作为土族性别文化的晴雨表，体现出了如下的文化动向：1、民间叙事中女性现代性意识的集体萌生与个体的初步突围。八十年代，随着社会环境和文化语境的整体改变，在社会角色的扮演、家庭文化的传承方面，土族女性的自我意识开始了前所未有的现代性觉醒，对于自身的价值、需要、社会性别、角色定位等问题都有了初步的现代意义上的理解和思考。但是，由于土族地区的整体社会环境仍然在按照传统惯性运行，所以，土族女性的自我意识并没有完全觉醒，只能说是一种初步的、矇眬的觉醒。在民间叙事的过程中，她们自觉采用了“古为今用’’的叙事策略，借传统的叙事文本来表达自己的现实需求，试图找到一条与男性平等相处的突围之路，渴望社会承认自己的劳动成果、智慧贡献。民间叙事中的青春叙事与礼俗叙事便相对真实地记载和反映了这一思想动态，神圣叙事则为女性在突围过程中构筑了一个可以转身撤退的文化空间。应该说，现代性意识的萌生是一次集体行为，而实践中的决绝突围却是少数女性的个体行为。2、民间叙事中男性对女性现代性意识的集体焦虑与个体情感认同。八十年代的土族地区是典型的男权社会，男性在村落中占据着绝对的政治优势，女性处于从属的“第二性”的位置。土族女性初步的现代性觉醒引起了男性相应的“文化反应”：第一、男性对女性现代性突围的焦虑与警觉，这是一种集体的焦虑，即在公共领域男性采取禁忌叙事的方式去公开表现自己的“厌女症”，从而抑制女性社会地位的上升，强化男性的优势性别地位。第二、男性对女性变化了的社会地位的个体感情认同。联产承包责任制突出了家庭成员合作劳动的重要性，这一经济上的变化强化了男性的家庭观念。于是，大部分男性在以家庭为代表的私人领域对女性的态度有了较大的转变，这体现在日常叙事中男性对女性智慧与女性幸福的认同与阐释。综上所述，我们得出了这样一个结论：八十年代土族女性关于自我的表述出现了现代性的突围，而这种文化潮流则引起了男性的警觉与焦虑。对于没有文字的土族而言，这种思想交锋的潮流或者说潜流，只能以民间叙事的方式得到保存和彰显，在这里，民间叙事成为一种意味深长的文化运动，女性表达着自我，而男性则作为性别政治中的统治者，做出了相应的回应。本论文研究中“重访八十年代”的钩沉式田野作业将使这一文化运动浮出历史的地表，并因口头叙事文学的真实性与细节化特点而使这一文化运动鲜活起来。更多还原

【Abstract】 In this paper, folk narratives of Tu Nationality(土族) in the 1980s are taken asthe subject of the present study in which a cultural analysis of folk narratives in thegender context is performed. The term "gender context" refers to a cultural contextthat is closely linked with the "social gender". In accordance with female sociologists’understanding, the concept of "social gender" is not on the biological plane, but on thecultural plane, which emphasizes the various meanings attached to masculinity andfemininity by the society and culture. Conducted from the perspectives of culture andgender, this research focuses on the folk narratives of the Tu so as to observe thegender tendencies of the narrative subjects in their receiving, reconstructing anddelivering of the folk narratives, as well as the social and cultural meaningscorrespondingly generated from this process. At present, a majority of studies on theTu narrative literature adopted the traditional classification and are based on a statictext analysis. Few of them adopted the methods of cultural studies from a perspectiveof gender context. This paper aims to fill this academic gap. The author has obtainedfolklore background information in the present study from the fieldwork; hence theconclusion is based on the analysis of the first-hand materials.The Tu is a nationality with its unique cultural traditions. In a very long period oftime, their folk beliefs, life rituals, folk costumes, cuisine and habitation traditions,daily customs are quite different from other nationalities: they not only have theirspecial cultural representation, but also their own profound cultural connotations.From 1949 when the People’s Republic of China was founded to the 1980s, with thereform and opening-up, the diverse characteristics of the Tu culture graduallyweakened, and cultural homogeneity has become a distinct characteristic of thatperiod. Reform and opening-up policy effected a development of not only theeconomy, but also the restoration of cultural diversity. With the implementation ofnational-regional policy and the freedom of religious belief policy, traditional cultureof the Tu has undergone a gradual recovery. In the context of such an era, peopleshowed an unprecedented enthusiasm on the salvage and the reconstruction of the folk culture. Thus, folk narratives naturally revived. Meanwhile, the living environment ofthe Tu women had been greatly changed since the reform and opening up policy wasintroduced, hence the ideology of the Tu women also changed. However, it isnoteworthy that the Tu villages in the 1980s were a typical "rural society", a termdefined by Fei Xiaotong. That is to say, the economic ethics(the ethical relations andthe ethical principles, which are linked with the rural economic activities andeconomic relations) that governed the rural society was at the same time the verytypical traditional Chinese ethics of the rural economy. Therefore, theself-developments and the ideological changes of the Tu women showed differentcharacteristics compared with those of the Han women. In short, in the 80s, theself-development of the Tu women was full of contradictions and struggles. That is tosay, on the one hand, they had to preserve traditions; on the other hand, they strived toplant the seed of the modern consciousness and began to ponder on many issuesconcerning their own culture. These varied changes gained cultural attention frommales, who could not precisely define and accurately evaluate such changes. However,women’s subtle and dynamic attempts of change caused males’ deep-seated culturalpsychological anxiety. The reason is that women’s action sent a signal of changingattempts of the existing social order, which attracted the attention of the males’cultural system. Due to the absence of written language, folk narratives have becomean important way to express social and gender awareness and to manifest genderculture. Thus a conclusion can be made that folk narratives in the gender contextdemonstrate males and females’ emotional perception and rational thinking ofmodernity. Ideological confrontations of modernity and cultural debates in the folknarratives gradually unfold.In such a process, the Tu folk narratives serve as a barometer of gender culture,reflecting the following trends of the culture:1. Women’s collective initiation and the individual breakout of the modernconsciousness reflected in folk narratives: With the overall changes of the socialenvironment and cultural context in the 1980s, the Tu females’ self-consciousness ofthe social role and the heritage of family culture were experiencing an unprecedented awakening of modernity: the preliminary understanding of modern consciousness ofself value, self needs, social gender, social role positioning, etc. However, since theoverall environment was still operating in accordance with the traditional rules, the Tuwomen’s self-awareness was not fully awake; thus can be described as a preliminaryand obscure awakening. In the process of narrating, women consciously adopted thenarrative strategy, i.e. making the past serve the present, expressing their real needs bythe traditional narratives so as to find a way to be equal to men: they longed for therecognition from the society for their labor and their intellectual contributions. Thefolk narratives including youth narratives and custom narratives authenticallyrecorded and reflected this transformation of their thinking. Moreover, the sacrednarratives saved them a cultural space for retreating from the challenging reality. Tobe exact, the initiation of the modern consciousness is the collective behavior,whereas the breaking away from the traditions is the individual behavior conducted byonly a few young women.2. Males’ collective anxiety and individual recognition of the female modernconsciousness reflected in folk narratives: The Tu society in the 1980s was a typicalmale-dominated society, which means men occupied an absolute superior politicalposition in the village; meanwhile, women was subordinated to them. The Tuwomen’s awakening of modernity caused males’ "cultural reaction" correspondingly:firstly, males’ anxiety of women’s modern awakening, which was collective behavior.That is to say, males adopted the taboo narratives in the public domain displayingtheir "misogyny" in order to prevent the enhancement of women’s social position,meanwhile strengthened the status of the male gender superiority. Secondly, males areidentified with women’s changing social position: the contract responsibility systemstressed the importance of labor cooperation among family members. This structuralchange of domestic economy strengthened males’ family values. Thus, a majority ofmales’ attitudes toward women significant changed in the private domain, mainly, infamilies. In the daily narratives, these changes were reflected in the males’ recognitionand the explanation of the females’ wisdom and happiness.Therefore, a conclusion can be made: The self-expression of the Tu women in the 1980s reflected a breakthrough of modernity, a cultural trend that caused males’vigilance and anxiety. Due to the absence of written language of the Tu, theideological confrontations or the undercurrents, were demonstrated and preserved inthe folk narratives, which became a meaningful cultural movement: females expressedthemselves; meanwhile, males as rulers of gender politics made a correspondingresponse. Through the fieldwork that is based on the literature review of the 1980s,the present study has rediscovered this cultural movement, which is animated by theauthenticity and specificity of folk narratives.更多还原