【作者】 黄俊军；

【导师】 饶怀民；

【作者基本信息】 湖南师范大学 ， 中国近现代史， 2009， 博士

【摘要】 二十世纪的最初十一年(1900～1911),是清王朝的最后十一年。这是一个内忧与外患交加、危机与生机并存的特殊时期。也是中国社会由传统社会向近代社会急剧转变的时期。中国何去何存?这是一个关系到国家和民族前途出路的时代中心课题。面对这一严峻现实,当时在中国政治舞台上并存着三股重要的政治势力,他们设计了不同的政治方案:清政府推行新政改革、立宪派宣扬君主立宪、革命派主张民主革命。就是这三股政治势力的此消彼长才决定了中国政治的新走向。立宪派的活动对辛亥革命的进程、近代中国历史的演变、乃至中国的近代化有着及其重要的影响。清朝末年三股政治势力斗争的结果是:立宪派由支持清朝政府而转向支持革命派,最后推翻了清朝政府。因此,长期以来,学术界对这段历史的研究总是以辛亥革命为主线,而对清朝政府的新政活动和立宪派的活动只是作为革命的背景来记叙,甚至把立宪派当作革命派的对立面来批判。自从上个世纪80年代以来,对立宪派和立宪运动的研究日益受到重视,其研究工作逐渐进入理性化、实证化阶段,也取得了显著成果。但是,与近代史研究的其他领域相比,立宪派的研究还显得较为薄弱,还有许多问题亟待进一步探讨和研究。历史研究本身极具复杂性,清末立宪派的价值和意义需要更多深入具体的实证性研究来解释和证明。因此,多角度、多层次地对清末立宪派作进一步的实证性研究显得很有必要。正是基于这些想法,本课题拟从清末湖南立宪派的角度作一微观的个案研究。湖南立宪派在全国来说还是有相当影响的。有一批在全国知名的立宪派人物,如杨度、谭延闿、罗杰、陈文玮、易宗夔、龙璋等等;湖南立宪派在全国第一个上书请开国会,并率先派代表赴京请愿;湖南立宪派领导了轰轰烈烈的收回利权运动;湖南立宪派以咨议局、资政院为舞台积极参政议政;湖南立宪派支持革命派,使湖南成为首个响应武昌起义的省份,等等。因此,以湖南立宪派做个案研究是有典型意义的,本课题研究,力图为清末立宪派和晚清政治史的研究提供一项实证性成果。通过对近百年立宪派学术史的回顾,以往学术界的有关研究成果为本课题的研究提供了较为丰富的背景知识,是本课题进行的良好基础;同时,也使本课题的起点较高,无形中增加了不少难度。但是,笔者认为,以往对于湖南立宪派的直接研究,既不够全面,也不够深入,尚留有较大的余地,无论是研究的广度还是深度,都可以进一步挖掘。因此,本课题的研究力图在广泛占有第一手资料的基础上,适当地使用一些其他相关资料作为参证,并充分利用学术界已有的相关的最新的研究成果。在研究方法上,本课题主要采用阶级分析法,以及定性分析和定量分析、宏观研究和微观研究相结合的研究方法,还适当运用比较研究的方法。本课题的基本框架,由七章组成,第一章绪论,为研究综述。第二章湖南立宪派所处的历史时空,重点说明预备立宪和立宪运动的异同,进而说明湖南立宪派是一股自下而上的立宪力量,它与清朝的立宪动机和目的有明显的不同,这是导致二者分道扬镳的终极原因。第三章湖南立宪派的来源和构成,概述何为湖南立宪派?什么时候形成了湖南立宪派?立宪派的来源和构成源于哪些群体?第四章湖南立宪派的主要活动,概述湖南立宪派的组织机构,重点论述湖南立宪派兴办湖南近代工矿企业、参入主办湖南教育事业和地方自治运动、组织和领导了湖南国会请愿运动和湖南保路运动。第五章关于湖南咨议局的几个问题,湖南咨议局本是湖南立宪派的组织机构之一,由于该组织机构十分重要,是湖南立宪派的一个重要活动舞台,加之资料十分丰富,因此独立升格为章。前人有关湖南省咨议局的研究不多,本章除介绍湖南省咨议局的基本情况外,重点剖析咨议局议员的选举、议员的构成、议案的提出与运作、咨议局与官府的关系等等。第六章湖南立宪派与革命派的关系,关于湖南立宪派和革命派的关系,不能套用“对立——联合——分裂——再联合——再分裂”的离合轨迹,这是就全国情况而言。具体到清末湖南两派的关系主要倾向是联合,并且关系比较融洽,尽管从湖南独立到焦、陈被害,两派斗争比较激烈,但是两派的关系始终没有破裂,而是在同一片蓝天下并肩战斗。按照时间顺序重点分析了湖南独立前两派关系融洽、两派共同磋商使湖南成为首应之区和两派共同建设新政权等等。第七章湖南立宪派的特点和总体评价,重点剖析湖南立宪派与海外立宪派、国内其他立宪派的不同,提炼其特点,然后进行总体评价和思考,这部分难度大,理论水平要求高。总之,对于历史教训的深刻反省和对于历史经验的正确总结,正是历史学的功能所在。在宪政走过了百年历程之后,回顾清末湖南立宪派的所作所为、总结他们的成败得失,是我们不容忽略的历史研究课题。当然,自己的想法和实际的研究能力和研究水平之间会有很大的差距。因此,本课题研究之中的不当之处,敬请教正。更多还原

【Abstract】 It was the last eleven years of Qing Dynasty at the beginning of the twentieth century(1900～1911).And this was a special period when domestic trouble and foreign invasion existed together with crisis and chance of survival.And it was also a period when China rapidly converted from traditional society to modern society.Where was China going was a new problem relative to the nation’s fate and future.Facing this serious fact,three important political power came into being at that time,they designed different political programs:the government of Qing wanted to push forward reform of its new policy;Constitutional Party publicized its constitutional monarchy;Revolutionary Party held democratic revolution.It was the falling and rising of these three political powers one after another that decided the new trend of then Chinese politics.Constitutional Party played a very important role in the process of Revolution of 1911,as well as the evolution of Chinese modern history and Chinese modernization.As a result of these three political powers,Constitutional Party changed from supporting the government into supporting the Revolutionary Party,finally they overthrew the Government of Qing.So academic research always focused on Revolution of 1911,and just regarded the new political activities of Qing Government and Constitutional Party as revolutionary background.Research on Constitutional Party and their activities have been valued and stressed since the 1980s,so the research work has been gradually reasonable and empirical,and it also has achieved remarkable success.But compared with research on other fields of modern history,the research into Constitutional Party seemed weak,there were a lot of problems to be further discussed and studied.And the research of history itself is very complex,we must do further and more empirical research to explain and prove the value and importance of Constitutional Party in late Qing Dynasty.As to this,it’s very necessary to do further empirical research on Constitutional Party in late Qing Dynasty from more sides and levels.Based on these ideas,this research is to make a microcosmic and individual research on Hunan Constitutional Party.Because Hunan Constitutional Party has great influence on the whole.We have some well-known constitutional characters such as Yang Du,TanYankai,LuoJie, ChengWenwei,Yi Zongkui,LongZhangand so on.;Hunan Constitutional Group was the first to appeal to the government for parliament,and sent representatives to Beijing to petition;Hunan Constitutional Group led many activities of regaining sovereignty;Hunan Constitutional Group took active in governmental and political affairs;Hunan Constitutional Group supported Revolutionary Group,making Hunan the first province react to Wuchang Uprising.So this study on Hunan Constitutional Group has its typical meaning,aiming at providing empirical results for the study on Constitutional Group and the history in late Qing Dynasty.Based on recent one hundred years’ academic research and relative research achievements,the author’s study has a higher starting,but it also makes the study a little difficult.The author thinks past research on Hunan Constitutional Group was not that complete,there is a lot to go further.This study adopt some relative materials as arguments and the latest research achievements to support the statements by using class analysis,qualitative analysis,quantitative analysis,macroscopic research and microscopic research,as well as comparative research.This study consists of seven chapters.Chapter One is the introduction.In Chapter Two,the history background of Hunan Constitutional Party is introduced,the difference between the preparation of constitution and the constitutional activities is stressed,so as to prove Hunan Constitutional Party was a strong constitutional power from the bottom to top,whose purpose was different from that of the motivation of Qing Dynasty,and this was why they separated and went different ways. Chapter Three discussed what Hunan Constitutional Party was,how and when it came into being,and who made up it.In Chapter Four is about the main activities of Hunan Constitutional Party and its organization,and the author lay stress on Hunan Constitutional Party’s setting up modern mining,sponsoring Hunan education and local self- government,leading petition of Hunan Parliament and protecting roads.Chapter Five talks about the problems of Hunan Ziyi Bureau.Hunan Ziyi Bureau was an important organization and activity center with a lot of available data,so the author discuss this problem as an independent chapter,besides this, the research on this was not enough in the past.This chapter contains the introduction of Hunan Ziyi Bureau,detailed analysis of the election of Hunan Ziyi Bureau,members of Hunan Parliament,proposal’s being put forward and applied and the relationship between Hunan Constitutional Party and Revolutionary Party.Chapter Six is about the relationship between Hunan Constitutional Party and Revolutionary Party.In terms of the then national situation,the relationship didn’t accord with the track of being antagonistic,then being united,then being separated,then being reunited,then being broken.Until the end of Qing Dynasty,the relationship tended to be united and be harmonious,though the two groups fought fiercely against each other from the independence of Hunan to Jiao,Cheng’s being killed,their relationship didn’t break but fought shoulder to shoulder.In order of the time,the harmony of the two parties before Hunan’s independence,their teamwork and building the new government together are emphasized in this chapter.Chapter Seven is a summary.In this chapter,the author demonstrates the characteristics and the general assessment and the differences between Hunan Constitutional Party and overseas Constitutional Parties,and other Constitutional Parties.This chapter needs a lot of theoretic support,so it’s more difficult.In all,study of history lies in learning from the historic lessons summing up the experience.To review Hunan Constitutional Party’s failure and success is the historic research problem that we can’t ignore after one hundred years’ constitutional governing.But owing to the author’s limitation of time and knowledge,this Study is far from comprehensiveness,and it is open to all kinds of suggestions and criticisms.更多还原