节点文献

美国“贸易促进权”研究

Research on "Trade Promotion Authority" in the United States

【作者】 陈功

【导师】 杨树明;

【作者基本信息】 西南政法大学 , 国际法学, 2009, 博士

【摘要】 美国对外贸易决策机制秉承宪法有所侧重的授权和政治传统,再现权力制衡思想。基于宪法机制,“府会”关系异常微妙,总统行政部门与国会之间的外贸决策权博弈从未停息。为调和“府会”之争,平衡行政部门与国会的外贸政策制定权限,“快车道/贸易促进权”应运而生。~1作为重要的法定条约批准程序,该授权一度成为推行美国宪政体制下的民主观与价值观的最佳策略。本文力求通过深入剖析“贸易促进权”的基本理论问题,析解其立法体系、实践运用与未来发展路径,为进一步改进“贸易促进权”,更为诠释美国外贸政策脉象,借鉴“贸易促进权”中的合理成分,最大程度地维护中国在世界经济体系中的利益和地位提供助益。全文共计28万字(图表17个),除引言和结语外,共分为下列五章:第一章美国“贸易促进权”的概念与特征。为构建研究的理论起点,本章以界定美国外贸法中的“贸易促进权”概念与解析“贸易促进权”法律特征为基点,通过比较研究美国外贸法中“快车道”与“加速程序”的关联性,揭示美国司法体系中的“快车道”与“加速程序”,美国立法机构内的“快车道”与“加速程序”,以及美国外贸法中的“加速程序”即“快车道”的源流与基本要素。此外,匡清“快车道/贸易促进权”术语英文翻译的统一性与准确性问题。通过区分美国的“协定”与“条约”,探究美国行政性协定的分类,并指出“贸易促进权”为“国会-行政协定”的变种。通过本章研究,得出结论:美国对外政策决策进程充满着复杂性与政治性,贸易谈判过程与协定实施程序异常繁杂。美国政府意识到必须对已有的贸易政策决策机制的权力分配问题进行必要修正,以符合美国外贸发展战略性安排,故此诞生一种新的授权“快车道”。2002年,美国外贸法领域的“快车道”最后易名为“贸易促进权”,除了为更加清晰地反映该授权的真实本意之外,某种程度上也是为了不与民事诉讼以及国会特定类型立法议案中使用的“快车道”加速程序(Expedited Procedures)相混淆。“快车道”1974年体制奠定该授权最为重要的4大要素:“禁止修正案”、“阻止不作为”、“禁止延误”、“禁止冗长辩论”。“贸易促进权”触及到两个相互对抗的理论——“立法平等”与“立法刚性”。它具备合宪性,属于“立法”,而非单纯的两院“议事程序规则”。第二章美国“贸易促进权”的价值。本章从哲学、法学、经济学、政治学、社会学等研究角度出发,研究美国“贸易促进权”的价值。行文中,本章还使用了演绎法和归纳法,进行了图表数据统计等量化分析,以及必要的个案分析。文章指出“贸易促进权”作为“府会”协作的桥梁,是美国贸易政策决策机制的重要修正和补充,突破了美国现行贸易体制,但未超出宪法之框架,充分适应了多边贸易体制发展,应对了美国社会利益取舍的多元化,进一步“锁定”了美国国内的压力转移和传导机制,成为调和美国外贸决策中“府会之争”,以及提升美国多元政策目标的关键。通过本章研究,得出结论:第一,美国“贸易促进权”体现了根置于美国文化思想传统之中的实用主义哲学。第二,美国“贸易促进权”的法律价值则体现为权力运作效率的提高。“贸易促进权”平衡了行政部门与国会之间的贸易权限。它为国会提供了比传统立法过程更大的权力,而这些信息和话语权的获取程度已经远远超过了国会在其他诸多国际谈判中所能获得的;“贸易促进权”同样也为总统提供了更多的权限,它既强化了总统进行贸易谈判的权威和可信度,又将启动立法进程的动议权和提出议案的提议权纳入总统手中。因此,“贸易促进权”并未给予总统一张贸易协定谈判的“空白支票”,也未剥夺宪法赋予国会的规制美国与他国贸易的权力。国会并未成为“橡皮图章”,国会享有最后的发言权。同时,“贸易促进权”的真正优势在于总统得到国会的承诺,即国会承诺对总统提交的实施议案进行肯定或否定的投票,不会意图修改,也不会长时间搁置,更不会采取其他形式拖延或挫败肯定或否定式的投票。第三,美国“贸易促进权”的经济价值在于促进了社会财富的增长,成为提振美国经济的必由之路。第四,美国“贸易促进权”政治与社会价值体现在其调和了两个层面的利益:①行政部门存在于国际经贸往来之中的利益。②国会对广大选民在上述方面所承诺的利益。此外,“贸易促进权”还强化了普通民众对美国外贸政策的影响力度,促进了美国社会的稳定,以及美国价值观的传播和美国安全体系的构筑。第三章美国“贸易促进权”立法体系。本章运用历史分析和比较研究方法,并借助图表进行归纳总结。主要研究内容如下:勾勒、分析并评价自“1934年体制”到“贸易促进权”,美国贸易决策权分权体系的变迁。通过论述“贸易促进权”的起源、形成、发展、中断、复兴、受挫等基本脉络,剖析“贸易促进权”的适用范围与期限,条文规定与制度设计及运作程序等法律机理。比较分析“贸易促进权”在各个不同历史时期(1974年-2009年3月)的立法背景、立法进程、立法承继与变革,以图表形式详细展现“贸易促进权”运作流程图。揭示了阻却授予“贸易促进权”的因素以及丧失授权的后果,并对提升“贸易促进权”提供方案。通过本章研究,得出结论:第一,国内外形势的变化、国会权力的日益分散、国会普通立法程序过程缓慢,为总统行使权力提供了机遇。第二,20世纪30年代直到60年代所诞生的早期授权“1934年体制”,标志着自由主义政策的成功。但与1974年产生的“快车道”相比,“1934年体制”设计中存在缺失。第三,现代授权“快车道”是美国贸易法史上的亮点。第四,在104-107届国会期间,针对“快车道”的争论主要集中在以下三方面:贸易调整援助、劳工与环保问题和对美国贸易救济法执行力的维护。第五,在“快车道”相关要素的设计基础上,2002年法案中的“贸易促进权”细化了谈判目标,并明确纳入劳工和环境目标;创设了国会监督团队,使这些来自国会的成员有权直接参与和监督贸易谈判。第六,“贸易促进权”中赋予国会撤回授权的方式,体现了该授权为有限的贸易协定授权。而“贸易促进权”之外的国会程序则为密切“府会”协作提供助益。第七,诸多变量在“贸易促进权”演进中发挥功效。包括美国对外政策制定过程中,政府、社会、内外部环境等变量。第八,将“贸易促进权”设计为一项不需要频繁展期或重新授权的相对固定的体系仍存有较大难度。第九,针对“贸易促进权”的未来发展提供方案。涉及引导新一届国会认同并重新授予“贸易促进权”,改善“贸易促进权”的现有机制设计,根据不同谈判区别授权层次,设置应变计划的审查。特别需要把握国会参与的度,考虑设定谈判目标需要详细到何种程度,预留给总统多大空间,以及决定是否允许谈判目标的灵活或弹性变化存在。对何谓“广泛、经常和定时的协商”进行明确界定。就国会贸易顾问、国会监督团队应对其隶属的议院领袖和相关委员会履行哪些义务做出规定。此外,设置相关机制,确保向总统清晰地呈现国会顾问、国会监督团队和议院以及各委员会领袖之间的协商结果。第十,通过立法分权,“贸易促进权”解决了决策权力如何在行政部门与立法机关之间恰如其分地分配。当前,美国政府应当将如何激活有效的贸易政策置于政策考虑的优先地位。相信在美国力图走出金融危机旋涡,施行刺激经济方案,重振美国经济的今天,“贸易促进权”将发挥至关重要的作用。美国政府仍然可以通过对其进行适当改进而使之促进全球贸易自由化和提振经济的效用得到进一步加强。第四章通过实证分析,研究美国“贸易促进权”在多边、双边及区域贸易谈判及协定签署与实施中的实践运用,聚焦从“快车道”到“贸易促进权”,协定涵盖范围的变化。在美国“贸易促进权”与多边贸易体制的互动性研究中,具体剖析1934年《互惠贸易协定法》对贸易自由化的促进作用,“贸易促进权”在肯尼迪回合、东京回合、乌拉圭回合、多哈回合中的实践。在美国“贸易促进权”与美式双边协定和区域性贸易机制的互动性研究中,着重析解“贸易促进权”在美洲地区、亚洲和太平洋地区、中东地区、非洲地区的实践。通过本章研究,得出结论:第一,随着国内外形势的变化,美国历次使用“贸易促进权”均具有不同的动机和价值目标,“贸易促进权”已经成为美国在WTO新一轮谈判中牢固确立主导地位、控制多边贸易谈判主动权,进一步推行美国宪政体制下的民主观和价值观的最佳策略。当前,“贸易促进权”的获取将助推多哈回合谈判,而多哈前景亦事关“贸易促进权”重获。第二,美国这种以双边和区域合作为主的新贸易政策,具有明显的务实主义态度。“贸易促进权”为达成以美国为中心的放射性双边、区域贸易协定奠定了坚实的国内法基础。第三,可以预见,美国在外贸谈判中将更多关注于一些与贸易领域相关,但并不直接形成贸易壁垒的问题。包括劳工与环境问题的纳入已经超越了其本身的范畴,并具备了相当的政治与经济内涵。由此表明美国签署的自由贸易区内容将形成一种综合性制度安排。并且,美国还通过将劳工与环境等敏感议题谈判在区域和双边安排中率先实现的方式,向WTO成员方传递有力信号,并致力于通过外围的努力去推进这一新议题。而对于这些非贸易价值扩张的正当性评析,我们不能简单地以保护论之。第四,“贸易促进权”从助推自由贸易谈判进入实质性阶段,到缩短谈判达成所需时间等方面均发挥了至关重要的效用。第五,对于推行美国的战略部署来看,多边、双边或区域贸易谈判各层次间并行不悖,相辅相成,均为美国对外经济战略的重要组成。美国在区域和双边自由贸易协定中推行包含社会政策和价值观性质因素在内的谈判目标,不但可为21世纪的经贸活动提供现代化的标准和范例,而且还将为美国强化其在多边贸易规则制定中的首要地位提供助益,为他国缔结自由贸易协定提供可供参照的美国模式。因此,于美国而言,通过“贸易促进权”促成自由贸易协定的签署本身并不是目的,而是实现目的之手段。第五章美国“贸易促进权”与中国。本章立足中国国情,借助量化分析,研究美国“贸易促进权”对中国经济发展的影响与启示,从而强化我国的应对策略。通过借鉴美国“贸易促进权”中的有益成分,从而研究我国经济贸易法律制度,提升我国外贸政策制定。本章具体分析了从冷战后到当前金融危机之际,中美经贸关系现状,中国经济地位的提升。论证了美国“贸易促进权”对中国的多重影响,包括美国借助“贸易促进权”在亚洲地区拓展其影响力,从而与中国形成竞争之势,以及美国通过“贸易促进权”推进签署自由贸易协定和确立的谈判目标,使中国遭遇的“贸易转移”效应,且对中国特定产业产生的影响。最后,以适合中国国情为基准,回归“贸易促进权”对中国富有启示的细节,适当吸收其中的有益成分。通过本章研究,得出结论:第一,中美经贸关系越发紧密。当下席卷全球的金融危机将使亚洲加速成为世界中心,而这一进程将为中国经济地位的提升提供助益。第二,“贸易促进权”是双刃剑,既带来对美国承诺自由贸易推进的信任,同时又存在对中国特定产业的贸易转移效应,并为中国带来更为激烈的外部竞争。此外,美国政府为获取“贸易促进权”所采取的与中国有关的行动,也必须引起重视。第三,“贸易促进权”所引发的示范效应对中国以及其他WTO成员方造成影响,使得美国可以利用自由贸易协定对多边谈判构成机制性竞争,并为在多边谈判中化解环境与劳工问题的争议起到突破作用。故在发展经贸的过程中,中国需更多地考虑如何平衡贸易扩大化进程与劳工权利和环境保护问题。第四,中国应对美国“贸易促进权”之争的实质就是与美国外贸政策制定机制的一整套运作体系打交道。第五,针对美国“贸易促进权”的启示,中国需要修改外贸领域相关法规,强化其可操作性,设定清晰的谈判目标,突出国家利益、体现与协调对诸方利益的兼容并蓄、均衡考虑,并强化谈判前、谈判中和谈判后的监督作用。第六,借鉴美国“贸易促进权”中的协商机制,强化谈判中共同意志的体现。以美国贸易代表与国会进行协商的时间阶段和活动频率为参照,选择恰当参与点,恰当运用美国“贸易促进权”的运行机制以及美国贸易政治体系的内在规律对其外贸政策施加影响,必将取得事半功倍的效果。第七,健全高效的贸易谈判机构及决策机制。围绕民主与效率,完善我国不同利益主体多渠道参与贸易谈判的制度,促进对外贸易政策制定过程更加多元。

【Abstract】 The United States foreign trade policy-making system,which takes orders of the U.S. Constitution that granting particular authorization on the Congress as well as takes the traditions of politics,reappears the checks and balances doctrine.According to the U.S. Constitutional system,the relationship between Congress and the Administration is regard as subtle relations.The game about foreign trade policy-making power between Congress and the Administration will never cease.In order to reconcile the controversy between Congress and the Administration,as well as balance the trade policy-making power between President and Congress,"Fast-track/TPA" emerged as the times require.~2In U.S.foreign trade law, "TPA",formerly known as "Fast-Track",is essentially an important "statutory" treaty approval procedure designed for what in U.S.domestic law are called "Executive Congressional Agreements".Thus,TPA has turn to be the best method to carry out democracy and values of U.S.constitutional system.In order to put forward and improve TPA,firmly grasp the tendency of U.S.foreign trade law,and maintain the interest of China in the world economic system,this dissertation will analyze the basic theoretical problem,the legislative style,and the practical implementation of TPA,focus on the developmental tendency of TPA in the future.Besides that,this dissertation will also provide some suggestions for reference the reasonable elements of TPA.Except introduction and conclusion,the whole dissertation comprises of five chapters. The full dissertation adds up to 280000 words as well as seventeen charts and figures.Chapter One:The Concept and Characteristics of TPA.In order to establish the theoretical starting point for researching,this chapter defines the concept and legislative characteristics of TPA,provides a comparative study of the relevance between "Fast-track" authority in U.S.Foreign Trade Law and the "Expedited Procedures".The author reveals the basic elements of the "Fast-track" in U.S.judicial system and the "Expedited Procedures",the "Fast-track" in U.S.legislative branch and the "Expedited Procedures",as well as the "Expedited Procedures’’in U.S.trade law,which is the origin of "Fast-track".By means of textual research of etymology,the author defines the uniformity and accuracy translation of the term "Fast-track/TPA" from English to Chinese.Through researching the distinction of "treaties" and "agreements" in U.S.,the author analyzes the classification of U.S.executive agreement,and holds that TPA is essentially a "statutory" treaty approval procedure designed for what in U.S.domestic law are called "Executive Congressional Agreements".In Chapter One,the following conclusions are drawn:the process of U.S.foreign policy-making is full of complexity and political nature.In U.S.,trade negotiation process and implementation system will abound with variations.In order to conformity with the strategic arrangement of U.S.foreign trade development,the U.S.relies that it should make the necessary reform on the separation of power in the trade policy-making system.Thus, Americans formulate a new authority called "Fast-Track".In 2002,the Bush Administration introduced the new phrase "Trade Promotion Authority" or TPA,to replace "Fast-Track" authority.The purpose to change the name was to solve the confusion between the "Fast-Track" expedited procedures used in civil litigation and the "Fast-Track" expedited procedures used in the Congress legislative bill.The "Fast-Track" authority in the Trade Law of 1974 is differ from the normal Congressional-Executive Agreement in that it has four important elements:anti-amendment,anti-bottling in Committee,and anti-delaying or anti-filibustering provisions that are at the heart of "Fast-track".TPA touches upon two competing theories relevant to congressional procedures:"legislative equality" versus "legislative entrenchment".TPA is fully consistent with the Constitution.It is constitutional. TPA is the statute,and not merely become the congressional procedure,namely the rules of each House.Chapter Two:The Value of TPA.Concretely speaking,this chapter will research the value of TPA on various aspects including the philosophy,law,economics,politics and sociology.Besides that,the author also uses the deductive method and the inductive method, takes the chart of data-analyzed and data statistics as the quantitative analysis,and research the individual case.The author points out that TPA provides for close collaboration between the President and Congress,and TPA is an important revision and supplement of U.S.trade policy-making system.TPA has breakthrough the current trade system of U.S.,but it did not exceed the framework of U.S.Constitution.TPA fully meets the development of multilateral trading system,answers readily the diversity interests in U.S.society,and goes a step further to lock the pressure transferring and transmitting system in domestic.TPA has become the key point to harmonizing the Great Debate between the executive and legislative branches, and benefit to promote the multiple targets of U.S.policy.In Chapter Two,the following conclusions are drawn:firstly,TPA expresses the philosophy pragmatism in U.S.cultural and thought tradition.Secondly,the legal value of TPA is improving the efficiency of power operation.TPA rebalances the Checks and Balances of Governance in trade policy-making power.TPA provides more power to the Congress than what the Congress could get in the traditional legislative process.This process ensures close coordination and regular exchange of information between the two branches. The extent of that information and the right of words obtained by the Congress are much more than what Congress could achieve in other international negotiation process.In the meanwhile, TPA has also provided more power to the President of Americans.TPA not only strengthens the negotiation authority and credibility of President,but also gives the power of activating the legislation process and the power of legislative motions to the President.TPA does not give the President a blank check to negotiate trade agreements,nor does it deprive Congress of its constitutional power to regulate commerce with foreign countries.Such an arrangement never reduces the role of Congress in trade negotiations to little more than a rubber stamp.In TPA,the Congress has the final say.The real advantage of TPA is that the President is guaranteed an up or down vote on the implementing legislation that he(or she) submits to the Congress.TPA prevents Congress from amending an agreement,from filibustering it,from bottling it up in committee,or from otherwise engaging in delaying or other tactics to frustrate an up-or-down vote.It also gives U.S.negotiators credibility,by assuring our trading partners that commitments U.S.Administrations make in good faith will not later be fundamentally changed by Congress.Thirdly,the economic value of TPA is to level the growth of U.S. social wealth.TPA becomes the only way to promote the U.S.economy.Fourthly,the political and social value of TPA is to harmonize the interest in two levels.The one is the interest exists in international trade dealings according to executive branch.The other is the interest exists in the guarantee of Congress towards the electors according to the field mentioned above.Thus,TPA strengthens the ability of ordinary citizens in U.S.to affect the foreign trade policy of Americans.TPA helps to maintain the stability of U.S.society,and benefit to spread the U.S.values and construct the U.S.security system. Chapter Three:The Legislative Style of TPA.In this chapter,the author makes use of the historical analysis and comparative study methods,as well as by virtue of chart and graph to carry out on induction and summarization.To outlining,analyzing and evaluating "the 1934 System" and TPA style,as well as the transition of Constitutional Delegation of Powers in U.S.trade policy-making.By sketching the origin,formation,development,hiatus,revival and setback of TPA,the author researches the scope of application,limitation,provisions and clauses regulation,as well as system design of TPA,and how does TPA works.Comparing the legislative background,the legislative process and the inheritance as well as changes of TPA in different period(1974-Mar.2009).The author also makes use of chart and graph to demonstrate the TPA procedures and the congressional time line for consultations under TPA in detail.The author reveals the elements that block the grant of TPA and the result of lose TPA.After that,the author brings up the methods to amend and perfect TPA.In Chapter Three,the following conclusions are drawn:firstly,the changes of internal and external situation,increasingly dispersion of Congressional power,as well as the slowness process of traditional legislative procedure in Congress,have created a chance to the President to exercise the power of he or she.Secondly,the early stage of Separation of Powers,which birth in 1930’s and last till 1960’s,is called "the 1934 System".The 1934 System resembles the success of liberalism policy.But compare with "Fast-Track" birthed in 1974,the 1934 System still has some shortages in its design.Thirdly,the modern system of grant "Fast-Track" authority is the highlight of U.S.trade law history.Fourthly,during the 104th-107th Congress session,the debate on "Fast-Track" was focus on three aspects,which including trade adjustment assistant,labor and environmental issues as well as the maintenance of executive ability of the U.S.Trade Remedy Law.Fifthly,based on the foundation of "Fast-Track",the Trade Act of 2002 details the trade negotiating objectives, and for the first time,the Trade Act of 2002 includes specific negotiating objectives on trade-related labor and environmental issues.Besides that,Trade Act of 2002 also creates a special Congressional Oversight Group(COG),which composed of members of Congress to provide direct participation and oversight to trade negotiations initiated under the Act.Sixthly, TPA grant the Congress specific ways to withdrawal of expedited procedures,which reflects TPA is a kind of limiting trade agreements authority and a highly conditional grant of authority.The congressional procedures outside TPA will promote the closely cooperation between executive and legislative branches.Seventhly,lots of variables play an important role on the evolution of TPA.Those variables include the role from government,society as well as the internal and external environment.Eighthly,it is hard to design TPA as a grant that does need frequent extension or renewal.Ninthly,the author provides suggestions for the future development of TPA.Proposing the U.S.government to guide the Congress support and renew the authority.Suggesting improving the recent statutory formulation of TPA,the U.S. government should alternate the level of grant authority according to different negotiation situations as well as design a fallback check.In the TPA,the participation level of Congress in the trade negotiation should be arranged and the degree of detailed explanation of negotiating objectives should be well considered.Moreover,the reservation space to the President and the existence of flexibility for the negotiating objectives should be considered in details.The extent,frequency,and timing of consultations specified in TPA should be defined.Specifying those members of Congress and congressional staff who may serve as congressional trade advisers,and specifying any duty on the part of these advisers and COG to report to the leadership and to relevant committees.The mechanism,which ensures the consultation results from COG and both House of Congress as well as the commitments clearly unfold to the President,should be regulate in TPA.Tenthly,by means of constitutional delegation of powers,TPA solves the question about the allocation of power between executive and legislative branches in decision-making.Nowadays,the precedence considered by the U.S.government is how to stimulate an effective trade policy.In order to solve the financial crisis,stimulate the economy and gears up for economic revival in U.S.,TPA is of utmost importance and precisely important.The function of TPA to promote the trade liberalization globally and facilitate the economic growth will be further strengthening after an appropriate reformation.Chapter Four:The Practical Operation of TPA.This chapter will positively analyze the practical operation of TPA in multilateral trade agreement negotiation,bilateral trade agreement negotiation as well as regional trade arrangement negotiation.The author focuses on the different arrangement of trade agreement negotiating objectives from "Fast-Track" to TPA authority.In the research on the relevance and the interaction of TPA to the multilateral trade system,the author will analyze the promoting function to trade liberation in terms of Reciprocal Trade Agreement Act of 1934.Furthermore,the author will research the practical operation of TPA in the Kennedy Round of GATT in 1962,the Tokyo Round of GATT in 1979,the implications of the Uruguay Round Agreements in 1994,and the Doha Round.In the research on the relevance and the interaction of TPA to the bilateral trade agreement and regional trade arrangement,this chapter will concrete on the practices of TPA in Americas Region,Asia-Pacific Region,Middle East and African.In Chapter Four,the following conclusions are drawn:firstly,following the changes of internal and external situations,the U.S.has different motive and objective of value to use TPA in different period.TPA has turn to be the best strategy to maintain the leading position and controlling power of U.S.in the new round of WTO,and becomes the best method to carry out democracy and values of U.S.constitutional system.Nowadays,the grant of TPA will boost the Doha Round negotiation,vise versa,the prospects of Doha Round will also relate to the renewal of TPA.Secondly,the newly trade policy taken by the U.S.is significantly pragmatic.In this process,TPA brings significant benefits to Americans and establishes a solid basis in domestic law for U.S.to attain a radioactivity bilateral and regional trade agreement,which takes U.S.to be centralized.Thirdly,it would be foreseeable that the U.S.will bring more trade related issues,which do not form trade barriers,into the trade negotiations.The labor and environmental issue bringing into trade agreements will go beyond their basis category,and have possessed equivalent with political and economic signification.The trade agreement signed by U.S.will become a comprehensive system of arrangement.By way of bringing sensitive topic for discussion,such as labor and environmental issue,into bilateral and regional trade agreement,and make those sensitive topic to be initiatively realized in bilateral and regional trade agreement,the Americans transfer a powerful signal to the WTO members that he will devoted to take advantage of efforts outside WTO,and push forward those new topics for discussion.It should not be simply state that the justification of the expansion of the non-tradable value is protectionism. Fourthly,TPA has exerted the very important effects in promoting the free trade negotiation enter into substantive stage,and shortening time for negotiation.Fifthly,in order to promote the strategic deployment of Americans,the negotiation of multilateral,bilateral and regional trade is the parallel hierarchy and complements each other,which composed the important foreign economic strategy of Americans.The issues relevant to social policy and view of value,which carrying out in U.S.bilateral and regional trade agreement,will be the modernized standard and example for the economic activities in the 21st century,and will offer American style for reference to the foreign nations in concluding free trade agreement, and will enable the U.S.to maintain its primacy in the global economy as well.Consequently, according to U.S.,making use of TPA to consider and sign the trade agreement is not the purpose,but the method to accomplish and realize the objectives.Chapter Five:TPA and China.In order to reinforce the responding countermeasures of China,learn from the beneficial components of TPA,research the legal system of Chinese economic and trade,and improve foreign trade policy-making in China,this chapter will base upon the national situation of China,by means of quantitative analysis,researching on the influence and enlightenment of TPA towards the economic development of China.Firstly, this chapter will analyze the economic relationship of China and U.S.after the cold war and the promotion of Chinese economic statute in the financial crisis happened nowadays.Then, the author will analyze the multiple influences from TPA to China.The author states that U.S. has make use of TPA to compete with China for the power of influence in Asia.The author will also look forward to the negotiating objectives established by TPA and the signed free trade agreement participated by Americans that make China encounter with trade-shift effect, and influenced some specific industry in China.Finally,returning to the details that abundant enlightenment to China in TPA,the author points out some reform suitable for China.In Chapter Five,the following conclusions are drawn:firstly,China-U.S.economic and trade relations are even closer.Currently,the financial crisis rolling up worldwide will speed up Asia to be the central of the world,and thus benefit China to enhance its economic position. Secondly,TPA is a double-edged sword.It is important precisely because it has become a political symbol of America’s commitment to free trade.In the meanwhile,TPA will cause trade-shift effect to China and bring even more fiercely external competition to China.In addition,we should pay attention to the action related to China taken by U.S.to seek for TPA. Thirdly,the demonstrations made by TPA will influence China and other WTO members. Americans could make full use of those FTA and RTA that considered upon TPA emerged to be the competitive mechanism against multilateral negotiation.Bringing labor and environmental issues into FTA and RTA will bring reconciliation to break through the debate in multilateral negotiation.Consequently,China should pay more attention to consider how to balance the expansion of trade and the protection of labor right as well as environment in the development of economy.Fourthly,the substance of counter-measure for China to face the TPA is to dealing with the whole set of foreign trade policy-making mechanism in Americans. Fifthly,according to the enlightenment of TPA,China should modify some law and regulations related to foreign trade,strengthen its operability,set a clear negotiating objectives,stick out national interests,reflect,coordinate and balance various of interests,as well as improve the supervision function before,during and after negotiation.Sixthly,Using consultation system of TPA for reference,improve the common will in negotiation.Taking the time phase and activity frequency of USTR Congressional consultations as reference, China should chose appropriate participation points,properly applying the operation feature of TPA and using the internal regularity of U.S.trade politics system to effect U.S.foreign trade policy,which will yield twice the result with half the effort.Seventhly,China should establish and strengthen a highly efficient trade negotiation and policy-making system. Centering on democracy and efficiency,China should improve the system to make various interest subjects participate in the trade negotiation and facilitate the process of policy-making become more and more diversification.

节点文献中: 

本文链接的文献网络图示:

本文的引文网络