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现代背景下的乡土重构

【作者】 李富强

【导师】 徐杰舜;

【作者基本信息】 中央民族大学 , 人类学, 2008, 博士

【副题名】广西平安寨经济与社会变迁研究

【摘要】 本研究把广西龙胜各族自治县的一个壮族村寨——平安寨作为社会透视单位,以参与观察(participant observation)及深度访谈(depth interview)等田野调查资料为基础,用民族志(ethnography)的框架,通过对其在现代化背景下乡土重构过程进行论述,展现其经济社会变迁的方式与图景,揭示其内在法则和逻辑。研究主要以社会转型理论为观照,依乡村中国在现代化过程中的两大历史进程——经济发生的一系列变化与国家加强对乡村社会控制的努力,循经济变迁和社会重构两条线索展开。本文首先考察的一个过程或线索是平安寨的经济变迁。由此可以看到,平安寨以一家一户为生产和消费单位的传统小农经济,是一种生存经济。这里大多数农民家庭生活在接近生存线的边缘,其经济运行的内在法则或逻辑是“生存理性”。在这种生存经济中,“道义经济”(the moral economy)与“理性小农”(the rational peasant)的特性共同呈现。对长期处于恶劣条件下的当地农民而言,生存而非利润最大化是其首要目标,但在求生存的过程中又确实包含着理性意义上的算计。自近代以来至1949年,平安寨与费孝通所调查的禄村相似,是受现代经济影响不深刻的地方。由于土地的生产力太低,不足以吸收资本,所以土地权的集中难以发生,剩余劳动力被束缚在分散的土地上。因为在发展工业的问题上,中国同西方列强处于矛盾之中,中国的都市工业难以发展以吸纳农村的剩余劳动力。1949年以前,不仅龙胜完全没有现代工业,就整个广西来说,工业也是非常落后。这就使农田人口压力巨大的平安寨经济走上了内卷化(involution)的道路。中华人民共和国成立后,新政权不仅把触角伸入农村,而且围绕农村经济扩展权力,通过土地改革、粮食定产定购定销、集体化等一系列的运动,重组农村经济。但在此过程中,农民被更加牢固地束缚在有限的土地上,专门从事农业,平安寨经济的内卷化依然继续着。困扰于集体主义内卷化(collectivist involution)的平安寨经济长期以来发展迟缓或停滞不前。改革开放以来,平安寨经济逐步在探索中走出困境。在20世纪90年代末21世纪初,随着通往平安寨的公路如愿以偿的开通,平安寨被纳入了旅游大市场。围绕旅游业的发展,大量资本注入古老的村寨,造成了其经济结构的重大改变。在旅游业的带动下,平安寨的非农经济发展了起来,传统的农业经济逐渐退居次要地位。平安寨走出了低报酬的、停滞的小规模农业经济的泥潭,实现了传统经济向现代经济的转型。本文考察的另一个过程或线索是平安寨的社会重构。近代以来,国家通过一系列的机构设置和委任,变地方权威为国家在基层政权的分支,使地方权威成为服务于国家目标的组织机构,并进入国家官制的控制范围。平安寨也在此一趋势下,经历了权威与秩序的重构。最初出现于平安寨的国家正式权威与秩序是保甲制和团练制。长期以来,龙脊乡土社会自然生成的寨老制在消解代表国家权力的保甲制,承受团练制的嫁接中,发生蜕变,又在蜕变中维系。以寨老为代表的教化性权威所建构的伦理性秩序,也在维系中变异,在变异中维系。可1933年“瑶民起义”被镇压之后,新桂系政府开始推行所谓“新政”,使当地乡村权力结构发生了重大变化。“新政”的推行,导致龙脊传统的寨老制黯然失去了主导当地社会秩序的地位。然而,使深入乡村的国家政权和乡村领袖合法化的权力文化网络却难以建立。结果,“新政”并未能摆脱杜赞奇所说的“国家政权内卷化”的命运。只不过,在龙脊,“国家政权内卷化”与杜赞奇所考察的华北地区不同,它并非表现为保护性经纪人逐渐为掠夺性经纪人所取代,从而破坏了原来通过保护性经纪人所实现的国家与民众的文化联系,而是表现为:在国家权力对乡村社会的剥削日益加重的情况下,地方权威在保护地方利益与实现国家目标间左右为难,从而导致国家政权无法提高效益。当国家利益与村寨利益发生冲突时,双重身份的地方权威或消极对待,躲避国家政权,或者在国家与村寨利益间“走钢丝”,造成国家政权在基层的权力链条非常之脆弱。1949年新中国建立后,中国乡村经历了一个激越的政治重构过程。从土地改革到人民公社时期,国家权力以整体形象全面介入乡村社会生活的方方面面,农民在生产上的自主权几乎完全丧失,日常行为深受意识形态的约束,农村社会的自主性消解迨尽。然而,建立在指令性计划经济基础之上的高度集权的人民公社体制始终无法从根本上解决国家制度建设的五个基本问题,即国家的认同性(identity)、合法性(legitimacy)、渗透性(penetration)、参与性(participation)和分配性(distribution)问题,危机四伏。20世纪70年代末80世纪初,在经历了人民公社制度的实验之后,中央政府和广大人民已深刻地体会到,国家权力作为从社会中产生而又自居于社会之上并且日益与社会相脱离的力量,要想有效地发挥作用,必然要和社会发生密不可分的联系。因而,平安村与全国农村一样,开始了村民自治的实践。村民自治的实质是要重构国家与社会的关系。可是,由于其机制和组织功能与市场经济建设不相适应,现行村民自治出现了机制不协调和功能萎缩的状况。本文认为,平安寨传统经济向市场经济的转型代表了一种从农业经济向“文化经济”转变的类型,可概括为“平安模式”。它是平安寨人民在现代背景下经济重构中的创造,是传统农业社会与外界信息社会对接的结果,在我国经济发展中具有一定代表性和示范性,对于中国特别是西部地区现代化道路的探索也有一定的启示作用。然而,在经济发展的同时,籍以重构国家与社会关系而实行的村民自治机制的不协调和功能萎缩,却埋下了导致当地社会失调的病灶。“3.25事件”作为当地社会不和谐的一个个案,是社会转型过程中权利失衡的表现。它归根到底是由于当地社会在超越乡土社会的社会转型过程中,经济、政治和文化等子系统变迁速度不匹配,造成经济变迁与社会、制度重构失调:当市场取代再分配成为资源配置的基本机制,利益的分配不再是主要取决于国家,而是市场和社会中的利益博弈,可是相应的利益协调机制却没有建立和健全起来。这主要表现为分散的小农与市场和政府的矛盾。要实现经济繁荣与自然、社会和谐的有机统一,最重要的是要建构农民与市场、农民与国家的良性关系与互动。而要实现农民与市场和国家之间的良性互动,必须实质性地提高农民合作的能力和组织水平,并把农民组织与合作能力的形成纳入体制的框架内,使之成为新体制的有机组成部分,以适应市场化的需要。这一切的关键是要进一步完善村民自治制度。完善村民自治需要创新,必须以培育和建构经济专业组织为培育和建构新型社会组织、完善村民自治的首要切入点,重构乡村社会基础,开发村民自治的组织资源。同时,以现代组织形态和科学民主的组织形式建立和建设各经济专业组织,在推进农村组织化是基础上,建立新的治理关系、治理原则和规则,通过强大的约束和保护力量确立现代公民的地位。

【Abstract】 The object of this research is Ping’an Zhai, a Zhuang village located in Longsheng Autonomous County in Guangxi. The method of investigation is participant observation and depth interviews. It uses the framework of ethnography, to describe the rural society re-construction process in modernization ,reveal its views of economic and social transformation and analyze its inherent laws in the changes.On the basis of two historical processes of China’s rural modernization——economic changes and the enforced effort that the state controls rural society——the research will be done through analyzing the processes of economic re-construction and social re-construction in the view of the theory of social transformation.This study first takes a look at the economic transformation of Ping’an Zhai. Ping’an Zhai has a traditional small-scale peasant economy in which production and consumption is by each family unit for the purpose of survival. In this village, the majority of farmer families live their lives at the edge of surviving, the working method is "survival rationality". In this kind of survival economy, the features of "the moral economy" and "the rational peasant" present at the same time. To the peasants who have been living in bad conditions for a long period, survival rather than profit maximization is the first concern. Nevertheless, they do have a sense of rationality in survival. Up to 1949, Ping’an Zhai existed with the same conditions as the Lu Village that FeiXiaoTong investigated, a place that modern economic influences had barely touched. Because the productivity was too low to absorb capital, ownership of the land was unlikely to expand, and so, the surplus laborers had been bound to the disperser lands. Regarding the issue of how to develop industry, China was conflicted with the western countries. Before China’s semi-colonial semi-feudal status was solved politically, the industrialization of Chinas’ cities was difficult to develop enough to absorb surplus laborers from rural areas. Before 1949, there was no modern industry in Longsheng County even whole Guangxi province. Ping’san Zhai economy was on the way of involution for the pressure of farmland population.After the establishment of People’s Republic of China, new political power reached deep to rural villages, further more, it developed around rural economies, reorganizing them through campaigns of land reformation, fixed grain production, purchase and sale quota collectivization. But in this process, the Ping’an Zhai economy involution continued due to the farmers were bound to their limited lands even more strictly, with no alternative except for farming. Ping’an Zhai economy, restrained by collectivist involvement developed slowly or even stood still for a long time.With the commencement of China’s economic reforms and opening up to the outside world in the late 1970’s, the situation began to improve. During the 1990’s, new roads brought in tourists, Ping’an Zhai was taken into the great market of tourism. Tourism served as a motor for economic development and diversification to the extent that nowadays Ping’an Zhai economy has progressed, becoming less dependent on agriculture. It eventually reduces its reliance on less rewarding work and stagnant small-scale farming, moving away from traditional agriculture economy and became increasingly more modern.Another aspect this study has paid attention to is the social re-constructuring of Ping’an Zhai. During the late Qing and early republican era, the state brought local administration under central control and had local authorities serve the interests of the central state. Ping’an Zhai somehow experienced reconstruction of the political and social order. Previously, state power exercised in Ping’an was built on the basis of a sort of military organization, a system of "baojia" and "tuanlian". However, local power consisting of the Zhai elders "Zhailao", had somehow weakened the state power, developing into the ethical and social order.After the suppression of the Yao minority group uprising in 1933, the government promoted the policy of Xinzheng, "new government policy", which made a profound change in local political life. As a result of the Xinzheng, the Zhailao system lost its preeminence as the dominant power stabilizing village society. The Xinzheng was only partially successful and still depended on the cooperation of village leaders, unable to avoid what Prasenjit Duara called "state involution", but somewhat different. There was resistance by some, and other Zhailao who chose to cooperate with and formalize their status in the new government often saw their connection with and influence over the people weakened. Furthermore, the government just wanted Zhailao to complete its goal, mainly taxation, allocate levying and social custom improvement etc, but not the government principle transformation. This meant that it was hard to implement the Xinzheng and overall it failed to establish a standardized system of governance. As a result, the local power chose negative treatment to avoid the state power, or paced back and forth between the state and village while the state’s benefit was in conflict with the village’s, so the chain of power linking the state to the local authority was very frail.After 1949 when new China had been established, Chinese villages experienced an intensive process of political reconstruction. From the time of land reform to the people’s commune, Chinese farmers established the new economy and social order through class struggle. By the time the people’s commune was established, the state power became involved in all aspect of village social life and farmer’s nearly lost all of their rights. Their daily activities were controlled by state ideology; and the independence of rural society was dispelled. From the viewpoint of the relationship between the state and rural society, this meant state power has dominated the community authority. It seemed to have advanced national - construction, however, the centralization of the people’s commune system which was established on the basis of direct plan economy was unable to solve the five basic problems of the national system construction, state identity, legitimacy, penetration, participation and distribution which was in crisis.In the 70s and 80s of the 20th century, having been through the people’s commune system experiment, the central government and Chinese people profoundly realized that state power must have the inseparable relationship with society. Thus, the Ping’an village, like other villages in China, started the practice of villagers autonomy. The essence of villagers autonomy is to reconstruct the relationship between state and local society. But, because its mechanism and organizational function were not suitable to construct a market economy, the autonomous villages had the condition of the mechanism uncoordinated and the function withered.This dissertation believes that the Ping’an village economic change represented one type of transformation that approaches "the market economy", away from the agricultural economy type, which might be summarized as "the Ping’an pattern". It is the creation of the Ping’an village people in modern times and the result of a traditional agricultural community docking with outsider information society. It is representative of Chinese countryside economy development,and it will play an exemplary role in exploring the modernization way for Chinese,particularly for those living in the west of China.Though the economy develops, the villagers autonomous mechanism laid down conditions that have caused some local social problems such as the "3.25 Event", reveals disharmony of local society, and its political significance cannot be ignored. As a case of the disharmony of Ping’an society,it is the expression of the imbalance of rights and in the final analysis,it is the result of social and institutional reconstruction not well matched with economic development in the social transformation. That is,in a time when market took the place of redistribution and became the mechanism of resource allocation,interest distribution is no longer dependent on the state ,but on the interest game in the market and society,for which the corresponding interest coordinative mechanism has not been founded or improved,as is made manifest in the contradiction between the diffused petty farmer and market and government.To fulfill economic prosperity and create harmony in nature and society, the most important thing is to have benign relations between the farmer and the market, and the farmer and the state. But to promote interaction between the farmer, the market and the state, we must raise farmers’ ability and the organizational level, and integrate them into a systemic framework, making it a part of new system, and meeting the market needs. The key is to further complete the village autonomous system. To do so, we must have the creativity to cultivate and construct a professional economic organization, reconstruct village social basis, and develop the resources of village autonomous organizations. At the same time, we must establish and construct various economic professional organizations in the mold of modern and scientific democratic organizational form. We need to establish new government relations, principles and rules on the basis of advancing the rural organization, and to establish modern citizen status through powerful restriction and protection.

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