霸权与地区主义：美国与冷战后东亚地区合作的关系研究

【作者】 周慧来；

【导师】 龙永图；

【作者基本信息】 复旦大学 ， 国际关系， 2008， 博士

【摘要】 本文主要研究美国与冷战后东亚地区合作的关系。这个研究首先建立在对霸权与地区主义之间一般性关系进行探讨的基础之上。从霸权的角度看,霸权作为一个拥有全球性利益的全球性主导力量,通过形成和建立一种符合自身利益和偏好的霸权秩序,在全球事务上发挥重大影响,其中包括在一些符合霸权战略目标和利益需要的关键和重要区域内的重大影响。从地区主义的角度看,地区主义形成和发展的一个重大结果就是提高本地区治理水平和能力,构建与本地区特点和目标相称的政治经济和安全秩序,这种秩序与霸权秩序之间构成一种张力。这种张力表现为:地区主义既与霸权有契合性的一面,也有对霸权利益和影响构成挑战的一面。面对这种张力,霸权从主动的角度力图对地区主义进行控制、引导或利用;从被动的角度则力图使地区主义不冲击或挑战其全球或地区利益。霸权与地区主义的关系取决于两者之间持续的互动。冷战后,经济全球化和唯一的世界霸权身份既对美国的全球战略调整和形成带来了深刻影响,也对东亚地区主义的形成和发展提供了动力。对美国而言,力求确保和维护全球霸权地位和在经济全球化中赢得主动地位并获取最大利益是其冷战后全球战略的中心和目标。地区主义政策是服务于美国全球和地区战略的一个重要手段。对东亚地区而言,在经济发展和安全事务领域等方面相互依赖程度不断增强的基础上,应对经济全球化风险,促进本地区的安全与经济发展成为地区内各个国家的共同追求,因此,通过地区内部合作成为东亚地区各国对外战略的一个重要部分。由于美国的霸权地位和其在东亚地区拥有广泛的政治安全及经济利益,在东亚地区长期处于主导地位,因此,东亚地区合作与美国的东亚战略之间构成了一种张力。体现在美国与冷战后东亚地区合作的关系上:一方面,美国先是企图利用APEC对东亚地区主义进行主导和利用,而后又希望对东亚地区合作(东盟10+3和东亚峰会)的性质、进程、路径和方向以及主导力量确立等方面施加影响;另一方面,东亚地区合作对美国在东亚的战略安排构成了一定程度的挑战,美国针对这种挑战实行了相应的对策,力图对东亚地区合作进行引导,以使东亚合作对美国在东亚的利益和地位不受损害和削弱。总的来说,冷战后东亚地区合作在经济、政治安全和主导力量确立等三个方面与美国在东亚的利益关系是美国政策取向的基础。从作为一个全球性霸权的普遍特点来看,美国对东亚地区合作的关注就是主导力量的形成,特别是担心中国能否成为主导力量并借此平台挑战美国在东亚的主导地位或把美国排挤出东亚。从其自身特点和偏好的角度来看,美国对东亚地区合作的关注集中在东亚经济地区主义是否对经济贸易自由化、市场开放和多边主义机制等构成挑战,在政治安全领域则关注东亚安全地区主义是否对美国构筑的双边军事同盟和军事基地存在构成威胁。基于上面的关切,美国的主要应对政策体现在:在经济上与东亚部分国家建立FTA,有限支持“清迈倡议”,在政治安全上调整和巩固双边同盟,有限介入多边安全机制,不反对东盟的主导地位并与东盟加强全方位关系。本文在得出美国与冷战后东亚地区合作之间存在张力的结论基础上,认为美国与东亚地区主义之间需要在双边、地区和多边层次上建立相应的链接点以保证两者之间互补性利益的实现。更多还原

【Abstract】 This paper focuses on the relations between the U.S. and the East Asian cooperation after the Cold War. It is firstly based on the general relationship between hegemony and regionalism. From the perspective of hegemony, as a global leading force with the purpose of global interests, the hegemony, by forming and establishing a system oriented for its own interests and preferences, exerts great influences to global affairs, including the areas vital and important for its hegemonic purposes and interest. From the perspective of regionalism, the formation and development of regionalism results in the improvement of level and ability in regional governance, results in the political, economic and security order suitable for regional characteristics and purpose. Therefore, a tension arises between the order and hegemony. The tension is reflected in two ways: on the one hand, regionalism corresponds to hegemony; on the other hand, regionalism challenges and influences hegemonic interests. Faced with such a tension, from the perspective of initiative, the hegemony tries to control, lead and make use of regionalism. From the perspective of passivity, the hegemony makes great efforts to stop regionalism from attacking and challenging its global and regional interests. The relationship between hegemony and regionalism is dependent on their continuing interactions.After the Cold War, the rapid process of economic globalization and the identity as the sole hegemon in the world bring significant influences to the adjustment and formation of American global strategy. In the meanwhile, the East Asian regionalism is formed and developed by this force. As far as the U.S. concerned, it is mainly aimed to guarantee and maintain its global hegemony and win the initiative in the economic globalization and maximize its interest in the Post-Cold War Era. Regionalism is taken as an important means to serve the U.S. global and regional strategies. As far as the East Asia concerned, with the deepening interdependence in economic development and security affairs, the countries in this area take as their common aim the dissolution of risks from economic globalization and the promotion of security and economic development. So cooperation within this area becomes an important part for each country’s foreign strategy. Considering the American hegemony and its broad political and economic and security interests in this area, and the U.S. as a leading force in this area, hence arises the tension between the regional cooperation of East Asia and the East Asian strategy of the U.S. This argument is based on the following facts. On the one hand, the U.S tried to lead and make use of East-Asian regionalism with the help of APEC; and then it exerts influences to the regional cooperation of East Asia (10+3 and the East Asian Summit) in nature, process, route, direction and the establishment of leading force. On the other hand, the regional cooperation of East Asia challenges the U.S. strategic arrangement in this area to a certain degree. Therefore, the U.S. adopts some countermeasures to lead the East Asia cooperation and to stop it from damaging and undermining the U.S.’ interest and status in this area.Generally, the U.S’ policy in East Asia is based on the relations between East Asian cooperation in economy, political security and the establishment of leading force, and the U.S’ interest in this area. According to the universal characteristics of a global hegemon, the main concern of the U.S. in this area is the formation of the leading force. Especially, The U.S. fears that China will lead the process of regional cooperation of East Asia and challenges the dominant status of the U.S. and finally elbow out the U.S. from this area. According to its own characteristics and preferences, the U.S. focuses on the following questions: whether the economic regionalism in East Asia will challenge the economic and trade liberation, the opening up of the markets and multilateralism; whether the security regionalism of this area will threaten U.S’ bilateral military alliances and military bases in this area. So the U.S. adopts the countermeasures. In economy it establishes FTA with some countries in this area and gives limited support to Chiang Mai Initiative. In political security it adjusts and consolidates bilateral alliances, intervenes in multilateral security mechanisms in a limited way; it also does not oppose the leading position of the ASEAN, meanwhile, it strengthens relations with ASEAN in all sides. Based on the argument that a tension exists between U.S. and the regionalism in East Asia, this dissertation proposes that both sides should establish linking points on the bilateral, regional and multilateral levels in order to realize the mutual interests in a complementary way.更多还原