【作者】 张继才；

【导师】 严昌洪；

【作者基本信息】 华中师范大学 ， 中国近现代史， 2007， 博士

【摘要】 中国近代联邦主义即联邦制思想和实践，是伴随资产阶级革命运动而产生的。它的发轫既受到晚清以来地方势力、省域意识发展的影响，又受到西方联邦主义的影响，是资产阶级革命派中部分人士在国家结构上的主张。但在当时多数国人心目中，联邦主义国家结构与中国单一制传统结构和大一统政治文化存在着巨大差异，因而反对或不加以提倡，所以在清末，联邦主义未能成为舆论的主流，更未成为同盟会革命纲领。当时联邦主义者也未能结合中国国情进行探讨和论证，其主张多以只言片语的形式出现，其理论也缺乏深度。但是，1911年10月10日武昌起义爆发、各省纷纷独立之时，联邦主义竟有甚嚣尘上之势，以至于大多数独立省份以此相号召，乃至中央临时政府组建过程中充满着浓厚的联邦主义色彩。但是，鉴于各省各自为政的纷乱局势，国人又趋向于建立单一制国家结构和中央集权的政治体制，于是，南京临时政府对联邦制予以排斥，联邦主义思潮顿时销声匿迹。孙中山让位、袁世凯上台之后，部分国民党人士主张地方分权以防制袁世凯专权，所以，1912—1913年，民初政治生活中就发生了中央集权与地方分权的斗争，在对抗袁世凯的过程中，国民党逐步统一思想与行动，与袁世凯的北洋政府及拥袁政团、政党进行斗争。这次斗争实质上并不涉及国家结构，却被涂抹上联邦主义之争的色彩，即国民党的地方分权主张被指责为联邦主义，联邦主义也被中央集权主义者视为分裂国家的代名词。在斗争中，地方分权派遭受失败，“二次革命”被击败，国会也被解散。民国三、四年，联邦主义再次勃兴，这是袁世凯专制主义中央集权登峰造极刺激的结果。当时，联邦主义不仅在思想界反响很大，而且与政治运动紧密结合，以至于成为反袁护国运动的旗帜。随着段祺瑞上台、全国“统一”，联邦主义复又趋于沉寂。可是，当段祺瑞强力推行专制主义中央集权和穷兵黩武的武力统一政策时，联邦主义又开始抬头。部分人士有感于专制主义横行和国家的分裂，企图另辟蹊径，以联邦主义方式统一国家，纳民主宪政入良性运作的轨道，联邦主义则又一次出现在舆论界，且潜滋暗长，氤氲浸淫，成为联省自治的直接理论来源。1920年，直皖战争爆发，护法政府解体，全国空前分裂，在南北对立、南北双方内部也四分五裂的格局下，国人痛感统一之无望、军阀之专横，纷纷揭橥联邦主义。于是，联邦主义发展至新的阶段。联省自治思潮和运动十分复杂。就思潮而言，它是清末民初联邦主义的延续，但同时打上了新时代的烙印，因此也是清末民初联邦主义的发展。就运动而言，它是资产阶级联省自治派与地方军阀合力的结果。资产阶级联邦主义者提出了系统的理论体系，是联省自治的鼓吹者，同时也是自治团体的组织者，是运动的原动力。但是，他们又缺乏实力，组织涣散，企求非暴力的和平方式，假借地方实力派构建联邦制国家结构，建立资产阶级民主宪政，实现国家的统一与和平，结果，为人作嫁。地方军阀是联省自治的附和者，他们假借民意，操纵运动，使之成为了地方割据的招牌，资产阶级联省自治的政治理想化为泡影。自清末以来，资产阶级联邦主义时隐时现，忽断忽续，因时因势而生，因时因势而灭，具有强烈的工具主义色彩，也不符合中国的历史与现实国情，是中国近代社会转型时期特殊条件下的产物，其失败在所难免。但是，它毕竟经历了近30年风雨，其斗争矛头直指满清王朝和北洋军阀专制主义中央集权，也是地方军阀割据称雄的对立物，无疑具有鲜明的民主、进步色彩，其试图解决中央与地方混沌关系的思想和实践，在方法上虽属舍本逐末、缘木求鱼，但也提供了一定的借鉴，影响了国民党一大和共产党二大对国家结构的构想，也就是说，国共两党都从联邦主义思想和实践中吸取了政治资源。在当代中国行政体制改革中、在实现祖国统一的历史进程中，回顾近代中国联邦主义，也是有一定积极作用的。更多还原

【Abstract】 The federalism of modern China originated from Chinese bourgeois revolution, advocated by some Chinese bourgeois revolutionaries on state structure. Its boom was greatly impacted by the local power and the consciousness about provincial boundary of later Qing Dynasty, as well as the western federalism. But in the eyes of most Chinese people, the state structure of federalism was a great departure from the traditional culture of state structure of grand unity, and accordingly was opposed to and rejected. Therefore, this concept didn’t become the main stream of the consensus of that time, much less becoming the revolutionary program of the Alliance Party. What’s more, the federalists didn’t expound and discuss their concept, associating it with Chinese situation. Their concept was not perfect and the theory was also superficial.However, with the outbreak of Wuchang Rebellion and the independence of every province, the federalism sprang up once again and based on it, every province called upon one another to struggle, and the provisional central government was founded built on this concept. Considering the chaos in every prince, however, Chinese people, rather than it, preferred the mono-system of state structure and the centralization of state power. So Nanjing provisional government rejected the federalism and this trend of thought died out.After SunYat-sen tool over power to Yuan Shikai, some Kuomintang(the Nationalist Party) members advocated local power so as to guard against Yuan Shikai’s tyranny. So 1912 and 1913 witnessed the struggle of centralization of state power and local power in the political life, and in the process of fighting against Yuan Shikai, Kuomintang gradually united their thought and actions, struggling against Yuan’s Beiyang government and his supporting party or organization. This struggle didn’t involve state structure, but coated with federalism. In another word, the argument of local power by Kuomintang was criticized as federalism, which, was viewed by the centralizationalists as a symbol of separating the country. In the struggle the party of local power was defeated, the "Second Revolution" came to an end in failure, and the congress was dismissed. However, in the third and fourth year of the Republic of China, federalism campaign sprang up again, which resulted from Yuan Shikai’s tyranny. This time not only did federalism have a great influence upon people’s thought, it also became a theory basis of the campaign of protesting against Yuan Shikai and defending the Republic. But with Duan Qirui’s coming to power and the unity of the country, it came to an end again. Later Duan Qirui imposed on people his policy of the centralization of state power and uniting the country by means of force, federalism campaign restored again. Some people, suffering from tyranny and the situation of the state separation, attempted to unite the country by means of federalism, taking in democratic constitutional spirit. Thus, this concept once again overwhelmed public opinions, and gradually in theory became the origin of inter-provincial autonomy.In 1920, the war between Zhi (the northern authority of China) and Wan (the southern authority of China) broke out, and the law-protecting government was dismissed. As a result, the separation situation became rampant. It was under this condition that people for a second time put up a banner of federalism, which now developed into a new stage -- the thought and campaign of inter-provincial autonomy. As for the thought, it was a continued part of federalism with a characteristic of the new times. As regard to the campaign, it derived from the outcome of cooperation between the party of inter-provincial autonomy and the local warlords. This time the federalists put forward their theory systematically. They were not only the advocators of the theory, but also the organizers of autonomic party and firm supporters of the campaign. Nevertheless, owing to lack of enough power, loose organization, and non-violent means, only relying on the local power, their dream of setting up federal state structure and bourgeois democratic constitutional government and ultimately realizing the unity and peace of the country could not come true. They became nothing but a cat’s paw. In fact, the local warlords, who took advantage of public power, controlled the whole campaign and thus made their separation reasonable and legal. Therefore, the ideal of bourgeois inter-provincial autonomy became hopeless.In summary, since the later Qing Dynasty, the bourgeois federalism campaign had risen and fallen from time to time thanks to the situation. It was just a tool made use of by others, and it also didn’t coincide with Chinese situation and history. It was an outcome of the special condition that China was going through a social transform in modern China. Accordingly it was destined for failure. However, the federalism which lasted 30 years or so was still very democratic and progressive, aiming its target at Qing Dynasty and the centralization of state power of Beiyang Government as well as the local warlords’ separation. Their concept and practice, attempting to solve the problem between the central government and the local government, though impractical, were somewhat valuable. Actually it showed a great impact on the idea of state structure in the first conference of Kuomintang and also the second conference of Communist Party of China. In another word, both parties took in some political resources from the concept and practice of federalism. In addition, going back to federalism of modern China is also beneficial in the process of the current political reform and realizing the unity of the country.更多还原