【作者】 宋洪兵；

【导师】 韩东育；

【作者基本信息】 东北师范大学 ， 专门史， 2007， 博士

【摘要】 本论文旨在重新检讨学界以往韩非子政治思想研究的方法、立场和观点,探求先秦诸子在基本政治价值层面的思想共识,试图建构韩非子政治思想体系的政治价值与政治策略的理论框架,分析韩非子政治思想蕴涵的多种理论可能性及相关历史实践,以期提供一个重新审视韩非子政治思想乃至整个传统政治思想资源的视角和途径,亦为重新认识传统思想与现代政治文明建设之间的思想关联提供一种具有历史眼光的借鉴和反思。论文由上篇、下篇及余论三个部分构成:上篇分三章,第一章主要阐述古今“韩非学”的研究概况,并就韩非子政治思想研究中的“当代性”进行探讨,进而凸显韩非子政治思想再研究的必要性;第二章考察晚清“专制”概念传入中国后对整个二十世纪的法家思想研究带来的学术影响,以此来审视学界通常以“绝对君主专制”来定性韩非子思想的学术判断,强调从主观动机和问题意识来看,韩非子政治思想主张对最高政治权力进行约束和限制,只是缺乏切实有效的制度保障来实现这一政治理想而仅仅停留在思想层面无法真正在政治实践中贯彻落实而已,主张韩非子政治思想的“非专制”特征,从而为论文的充分展开奠定学理基础;第三章强调先秦诸子思想的研究视角从“差异”到“共识”转变,主张先秦诸子主观动机均在于经世济民,其在基本政治价值层面共性大于个性。下篇共分两章,论文本部分将沿着任何政治思想均可分为“纯理”与“应用”的思路展开,探讨韩非子政治思想的政治价值与政治措施的关联。第四章重点探求韩非子与先秦诸子在基本政治价值层面存在的广泛共识。这种共识主要体现为在“天人”同构思维中追求“天下大治”的思维模式、“国无君不可以为治”的秩序情结以及“立天子以为天下”的价值追求等三个方面,这既体现了先秦诸子一以贯之的政治情怀,同时亦为韩非子政治思想的正当性与正义性奠定了基础。第五章对韩非子的政治思维方式及其现实对策进行详细分析和探讨。韩非子的政治思维包括“应时史观”、“通权思想”、“参验思想”三个方面。韩非子的现实主义政治思想是有利于政治价值、政治理想实现的现实主义,而不是抛弃政治理想、政治价值的“非道德主义”的现实主义。韩非子政治思想的现实对策主要包括两个方面的内容:其一,在政治秩序与政治正义之间的关系问题上,主张“秩序优先”前提下实现政治价值;其二,欲在“争于气力”生存与发展,强调内政治理、增强国力的极端重要性,主张(1)富国强兵,重农抑商,(2)惩治重臣,厉行法治,移风易俗。余论部分涉及三方面内容。第一,韩非子政治思想的演变趋向及历史实践,指出秦朝灭亡只是韩非子政治思想蕴涵中的一种可能方向,韩非子以客观外在的法律规范约束和限制最高权力的思想在汉代得到进一步的发展,韩非子公私相分、政教分离的思想在日本近世受到充分重视和发扬。第二,韩非子政治思想的理论缺陷主要表现为(1)前现代社会即君主世袭时代在制度建设层面追求法律至高无上以约束、限制君权的空想性;(2)现实措施的过激倾向极易违背韩非子追求政治价值的初衷而导致其极不愿意看到的暴政、专制和压迫;(3)韩非子具体政治措施的“制度成本”过高,实践中极易造成社会资源的过度消耗和浪费,不利于其基本政治价值的实现;(4)过分重视客观的法律规范及政治制度的功能和作用,在人事与制度关系问题上有失衡之虞。第三,韩非子政治思想的当代价值主要包括两方面内容,即:“辅助性的历史资源”和“具体实在的本土价值”。重新探讨韩非子政治思想,不能简单笼统地谈论韩非子政治思想对现实生活的借鉴意义。因为从理论方面讲,现代民主政治思想相对于韩非子政治思想而言,已经非常完备且相当成熟。如果人们无法证明实行韩非子的政治思想比现代民主政治更容易且更公正合理的话,那么,简单类比韩非子思想对于今天政治文明建设的借鉴意义在理论和逻辑上都很难自圆其说。不过,韩非子及法家对于“法治”难行的原因分析及由此体现的愤懑心情,倒与当前中国的社会现实有几分相似之处。关于这点,当代中国实行的传自西方民主宪政似乎对于中国特殊国情下产生的“法治”阻力和诸多潜规则的运行模式明显缺乏足够的理论准备和应对措施。从这个意义上说,研究属于典型中国智慧且最早进行激烈国民性批判的韩非子政治思想,无疑具有一定的现实价值。更多还原

【Abstract】 This dissertation aims at reviewing the method, stand and viewpoint on Han Fei-zi’s political thoughts prevailing in academic circle heretofore, searching the common thoughts shared by Pre-Qin masters in a sense of political value, trying to construct the framework of theory which will help in understanding Han Fei-zi’s political value and political tactic within his political thought system, analyzing various theoretic possibilities involving in his political thoughts, and his related historical experience. It also intends to provide a new viewpoint and approach for reviewing Han Fei-zi’s political thoughts, even resources of the whole traditional political thoughts, and to supply some reference and thinking on re-understanding the relationship between traditional thoughts and modern civilization construction.This dissertation is consisted of three parts, the section one, the section two, and the conclusion.The section one is divided into three chapters. Chapter one mainly illustrates the general situation of Han Fei Study from ancient time till now, discusses the problem of Modernity throughout the study of Han Fei-zi’s political thoughts, and reveals the necessity of re-examination of Han Fei-zi’s political thoughts; Chapter two observes the introduction of absolutism concept in the late Qing Dynasty, and its academic influence on the study of legalist school thoughts. From this viewpoint, it tries to examine the prevailing academic opinion, that is, the thoughts of Han Fei-zi is absolute imperial absolutism in its nature. Contrary to that opinion, this part of the article emphasizes the non-absolutist nature of Han Fei-zi’s political thoughts, by revealing that from the subjective motivation and problem consciousness, Han Fei-zi’s political thought insists on restriction and limitation of the highest authority, but his proposition stops in thinking, fails to carry it out in the real political practice for the lack of valid institutional guarantee. The purpose of this part is to establish the doctrinal basis for the further study of the dissertation; Chapter three emphasizes the changing of the viewpoint to Pre-Qin masters study from difference to agreement, addresses that Pre-Qin masters’subjective motivations are for the benefit of people generally, and so their commonness is bigger than individuality in the aspect of the basic political value.The section two is consisted of two chapters, which addresses that all the political thoughts can be divided into theory and application. Following this thread of thinking, it discusses the relationship between political value and political measure within Han Fei-zi’s political thoughts. Chapter four examines primarily the broad agreement among Han Fei-zi and Pre-Qin masters in a sense of political value. This agreement mainly presents in three aspects, that is, the thinking pattern of good governess from the viewpoint of The Unity of Heaven and Man, the order passion of no King can’t be ruled, and the value pursuit of propping up emperor for all the world. It represents Pre-Qin masters’permanent political emotions on the one side, and establishes the just and righteous basis of Han Fei-zi’s political thoughts on the other side. Chapter five analyzes and discusses in detail Han Fei-zi’s methods of political thinking, and his practical countermeasure. Han Fei-zi’s political thought includes“YINGSHI”、”TONGQUAN”and“CANYAN”. His political thought is a kind of realism that benefits the realization of political value and political ideal, not a kind of immoralism that throws them out of the door. The practical countermeasure of Han Fei-zi’s political thoughts focuses on two parts: First, on the relationship of political order and political justice, he insists on taking order first as the premise of political value; Second, to surviving and developing in a age of power campaign, domestic management and national power enhancement are extremely important, so he proposes (1) Enriching Nation and Strengthening Army, Attaching Great Importance to Agriculture and Restraining Commerce; (2) Punishing Arrogated Minister, Strictly Enforcing the Judicial Reforms, and Changing habits and customs.The conclusion deals with three elements.The first element is about the changing tendency and historical practice of Han Fei-zi’s political thoughts. It points out that the perdition of the Qin Dynasty is only a possible direction, which contains in Han Fei-zi’s political thoughts, that Han Fei-zi’s thoughts about legal criterion limitation and highest authority restriction are further developed in Han Dynasty, that his thoughts about distinction of the public and private, separation of the politics and religion, are fully recognized and carried forward in modern Japan.The second element is about the flaws of Han Fei-zi’s political thoughts. It reflects primarily that (1) it is unrealistic, in pre-modern society, namely imperial hereditary age, to pursue legal supremacy in a sense of institutional structure in order to restrict or limit the emperor’s power; (2) the extreme tendency in practical measure tends to lapse from Han Fei-zi’s political thoughts, and leads to tyranny, despotism, and pressure which is far from his original intention; (3) the institutional cost of his practical political measure is so high that it is prone to over-waste and over-consume the social resources, and is not facilitate the realization of his political value; (4) Han Fei-zi’s political thoughts attach too much importance to objective legal criterion and the function and role of political system, lead to the unbalance in the relationship of personnel and institution.The third element is about the value of Han Fei-zi’s political thoughts in nowadays world. It involves in two sides, namely, adjuvant historical resources and concrete homeland value. It is improper to talk about its reference meaning to real life simply and generally, when reviewing Han Fei-zi’s political thoughts. Theoretically, compared with Han Fei-zi’s political thoughts, modern democracy is fairly perfect and mature. It can hardly justify itself theoretically and logically by simply comparing Han Fei-zi’s political thoughts with modern democracy, if we cannot prove that it is easier and more reasonable to carry out his political thoughts than modern democracy. However, we can find some familiarity from Han Fei-zi and legalist school. The reason of law-based failure and their resentful emotion resembles very much with China’s nowadays society. In this regard, modern China’s democracy, which is western constitutional democracy by origin, seems lack of adequate theoretical preparation and reactive measure when facing the so-called legal resistance and many other hidden rules in the Special national conditions. In this meaning, there certainly has some practical value to study Han Fei-zi’s political thought, which is a kind of typical Chinese wisdom, and carry out intensive criticism on Chinese national traits in the first place.更多还原