【作者】 戴银凤；

【导师】 易惠莉；

【作者基本信息】 华东师范大学 ， 中国近现代史， 2007， 博士

【摘要】 1897-1911年间，莫理循的中国观经历了两个重大变化。一是对中国前途总的看法：在日俄战争结束前后，由中国前途悲观论转向中国前途乐观论。二是对中国政局和外交的看法，尤其是中英外交关系方面，由“反俄”、“以日制俄”转向“反日”、“中英联合”。他的中国观的变化既受到中国社会状况的变化及国际外交环境的影响，也受到他个人在中国的游历及与中国人交往等事实的影响。本论文共分八章。第一章，主要通过分析莫理循早年的生活背景和成长经历，探索他个性的养成，追溯他与中国发生关系的经过，并着重分析他对中国的初次印象。1894年2月至5月，莫理循自上海出发，溯长江而上，穿过四川、云南，抵达缅甸境内。通过这次与中国的直接接触，莫理循对过去自己受之影响的关于中国及中国人的偏见观念产生了怀疑，并对这种偏见提出了批评或异议。莫理循就这次中国之旅而写成的游记，使他获得伦敦《泰晤士报》的青睐。连莫理循自己也没有想到，一次中国旅行竟然促成了他理想的实现，之后几十年，他个人的命运竟与中国联系在了一起。这不能不说是一次个人命运与历史的巧合。第二章，结合莫理循的报道、英国的对华外交政策与中国所处的国际关系环境，来分析他在1897-1900年期间对中国政局的观察和反应。在中国面临瓜分危机时，莫理循积极主张英国要加入瓜分的行列，一方面遏制英国在华的主要竞争对手俄国在东北及华北的侵略活动，另一方面把包括长江流域和珠江流域在内的广阔的中国领土纳入英国的势力范围。在关于中国前途和现状的总的看法上，莫理循满足于当时在英国流行的关于中国的观念，即中国是一个落后腐败、没有希望的国家，官员不思改革，社会没有进步的迹象。第三章，把莫理循的“以日制俄”主张放在中、英、日、俄的外交大背景下，关注莫理循与中国外交和政府官员的交流、接触，尤其透过莫理循的这一主张和活动来分析在1900至1905年期间他对中国政治命运的看法，并探讨他的主张和活动对中国政治外交的影响。义和团运动后，莫理循继续坚持不懈地对俄国在中国东北活动进行揭露，坚持其“以日制俄”观，鼓吹日俄战争。贯穿莫理循这一切活动的核心是，他看到俄国势力在中国东北的扩张对英国在华乃至整个亚洲的利益构成威胁和挑战。这一担心使他在东北问题上表现为同情中国，希望保全中国。实际上，他更多的是从反俄的立场出发，而同情中国——同情中国反俄。然而，也不能否认莫氏的行为实际上对于中国解决在东北问题上与俄国的外交冲突起到了帮助作用，虽然不一定总是这样。第四章，结合莫理循在1905-1911年的游历、公开演讲等活动及书信、日记和所发报道等内容，分析探讨莫理循关于新政改革观的内容及其形成原因，并对他的观点与《泰晤士报》的国际新闻主编姬乐尔和《泰晤士报》的上海通讯员濮兰德等人的新政观，作一对照和比较，对莫理循的新政观作较深入的分析评价。基于他本人对中国的实地考察，莫理循对清末新政持这样的乐观看法：现在的中国不再是以往那个腐朽、没落的帝国，而是一个具有蓬勃生命力、积极进取的国家，它将有一个光明的前途。在报道中，莫理循主要宣传新政改革的积极方面，总是称赞改革的成效，以维护新政改革的积极形象。然而，莫理循对中国乐观论的宣传并不是像当代研究者暎子所说的那样，是一种假装出来的乐观主义，完全受其功利主义目的的驱使。而是基于他对中国新政改革的真诚的乐观看法，虽然其中也包含了功利主义动机。第五章，重点分析《泰晤士报》官方与莫理循关于中国新政观的分歧及其原因，研究莫理循为说服《泰晤士报》而作的种种努力。《泰晤士报》官方倾向于国际新闻主编姬乐尔和上海兼职通讯员濮兰德关于中国的观点。莫理循与他们的观点分歧主要在三个方面。第一，清政府改革诚意和内容方面。第二，对中国官僚的看法方面。第三，对英中关系的不同看法。莫理循除了“固执地”与《泰晤士报》国际新闻主编理论外，还不失时机地向英国公众介绍、宣传他对中国的这种乐观看法。但是莫氏的努力并没有使《泰晤士报》站到他的立场上来。第六章，从莫理循的“反日观”对其中国观产生影响的角度，分析莫理循“反日观”的具体内容，进一步探讨莫理循“反日”原因和在反日观基础上形成的英国对华政策构想，并进而探索莫理循这一时期的中国观与“反日观”的相互关系。在莫理循看来，日俄战争后，日本已成为英国在华利益“最危险的竞争对手”。针对中国出现的这种新形势，莫理循认为英国应该对英商在中国东北的利益采取积极行动，遏制日本在东北的侵略行为，使东北成为向国际贸易开放的市场，而不是日本的专有势力范围。在中国维持“门户开放”，即是莫理循关于英国对华政策的设想。莫理循批评英国外交对日本的纵容，并倡导英国对华外交采取积极政策，这在一定程度上在英国国内舆论界和外交界引起了一定的反响。第七章，着重从莫理循的中国观和中英关系的角度考察莫理循与新法铁路事件的关系，结合莫里循与中国外交官员的交往探讨莫理循对中国政府外交政策的看法、建议，及莫里循在中国外交中所起的作用。莫理循对新法铁路问题自始至终极其关注，其间，他与中国外交官员(包括唐绍仪、梁敦彦)交往密切，并向他们提供建议，或者从他们那里获取重要秘密情报，把谈判内容公之于众，有意引起列强的关注和干涉。他还在《泰晤士报》上撰文批评日本在此事上的政策及英国政府的对华消极态度。在新法铁路事件上，莫理循为中国争取利益的行动和报道，虽然没有取得预期的效果，但是在客观上成为了中国外交交涉的一部分，为中国外交在争取新法铁路修筑权上提供了舆论支持。莫理循与中国外交官员的密切交往，向他们提供意见、建议，对中国外交官员在此事件的外交中坚持强硬的立场起到了一定的支持作用。第八章，主要通过考察莫理循对中国国内流传的革命思想和各地革命起义的看法，来分析研究他对辛亥前中国政局的看法。与对新政改革的乐观看法相反，莫理循反对革命思想在中国的传播，对革命持反对态度，因为革命是对清政府现有秩序和新政改革的破坏。鉴于革命起义屡次被清军所败的事实，莫理循认为革命党人的活动还不成气候，还不是清政府统治的威胁，他对辛亥前的中国政局很乐观，认为中国局势稳定，国家安全、统一。结束语莫理循的中国观比较真实地反映了他所看到的中国，虽然它并不是很全面。随着中国自身的改革变化，莫理循的中国观也随之发生转变。同时，他的中国观也很自然地受到中国客观情况和他的职业需要的制约，和其自身兴趣、观念和潜意识的局限。更多还原

【Abstract】 George Ernest Morrison’s views on China underwent two significant changes between 1897 and 1911. One was from a pessimistic general view on China’s future to an optimistic view after the Russian-Japanese War finished. The other was that his views on the Chinese political situation and foreign relations, especially on Chinese-British relations changed. Initially he held a firm anti-Russian view and wished Britain to use Japan against Russia; later however he held anti-Japanese views and advocated a close relationship between Britain and China. The changes in his views were influenced both by the changes in the Chinese social situation and international diplomatic environment, and by experiences such as his travels throughout China and his interaction with the Chinese people.The thesis has eight chapters. Chapter 1 describes his personality and early life experience and examines his first impressions of China. Morrison had a long journey along Yangtze River from Shanghai to Chongqing, then through Yunnan province into Burma from February to May 1894. This direct contact with China caused him to doubt those opinions and prejudices on China and Chinese that had influenced him before. Morrison pointed out that those opinions were untrue and unfair to Chinese in his book about the journey, called An Australian in China: being the narrative of a quiet journey across China to Burma. This book brought him to the attention of The Times. Much to his surprise, The Times employed him for his abilities shown in the book, and his dream of becoming a journalist finally came true. From then onwards his life was connected with China.Chapter 2 explains Morrison’s observations of and response to Chinese politics between 1897 and 1900, based on his correspondence, British Chinese policy and the international relations environment of China during the time. Morrison insisted Britain should take part in Powers’ fighting for interests while China was on the brink of disintegrating. In his view, on one hand Britain should stop any Russian invasion in North-East and North China because Russia represented the most serious competition to British interests in China; on the other hand Britain should include both areas of Yangtze River and Zhujiang River into its own sphere of influence. In the meantime, influenced by popular British ideas about China at that time, he held a pessimistic and indifferent view that China was backwards, corrupt, and hopeless, and that its officials had no intention to reform their government and society.Chapter 3 analyzes his views on China’s politics and explores the impact of his ideas and activities on Chinese politics and foreign relations between 1900 and 1905. It focuses on Morrison’s relationship with Chinese officials, and explains his idea of "using Japan to oppose Russia" under the background of international relations among China, Britain, Japan and Russia. After the Boxers’ Uprising, Morrison insisted on his idea of "using Japan to oppose Russia" and even advocated a war between Japan and Russia because he thought the Russian influence in North-East China was a serious threat to British influence and interests in China and even in the whole of Asia. This worry made him sympathetic with China on the North-East China issues and he wanted China to be protected from disintegration. However, his sympathy for China was perhaps simply a result of his anti-Russia concerns. Even though it couldn’t be denied that his activities supported China in solving North-East issues with Russia sometimes.Chapter 4 analyzes Morrison’s views on China’s Xinzheng Reform. Morrison based his views of China’s Xinzheng Reform on his own investigation and observation. In his opinion, China wasn’t a corrupt and collapsing Empire any more, but a country of vitality and progress with a bright future. He mainly described China’s progress in his reports with little mention of existing problems in China, and praised the reform in order to maintain a good and progressive impression of China’s Xinzheng Reform. It was clear that his optimistic view was honest, not pretended as Eiko Woodhouse pointed out in her research, even though it had very practical motives.Chapter 5 explains the differences of opinion regarding China’s Xinzheng Reform between Morrison and The Times officials, and delves into Morrison’s efforts in trying to persuade The Times. The Times agreed with the views of Chirol and Bland. Morrison’s opinion differed from them in three aspects: firstly on Qing government’s honesty in conducting the reform and its contents; secondly on Chinese officials’ abilities and intention of reform; thirdly on British-Chinese relations. Morrison never gave up arguing with the foreign affair chief editors of The Times, and he made good use of his chances to express his optimistic views. But despite his efforts he didn’t succeed in changing the ideas held by The Times.Chapter 6 analyzes the impact of Morrison’s anti-Japanese views on his view of China and his idea of British China policy. In Morrison’s opinion, Japan had become "the most dangerous competitor" of British interests in China after the Japanese-Russian War, so responding to this new situation, Britain should take active measures to protect British commercial interests in North-East China from Japanese exploitation. In order to protest against the Japanese invasion in North-East China and maintain that area as an open international market, not a special sphere of interests of Japan, Morrison thought Britain should instigate an "Open Door" policy in that area. Morrison’s criticism of British tolerance of the Japanese invasion and his advocating an active British China policy had an impact on British public opinion and the foreign office.Chapter 7 analyzes Morrison’s role in the Fakumann Railway Event from the perspectives of his view of China and Chinese-British relations, his advice and ideas on Chinese foreign policy based on his interaction with Chinese officials in the foreign office, and his influence in Chinese foreign relations. Morrison paid attention to the Fakumann Railway Event from the very beginning. He gave advice to Chinese foreign office officials on the event and published classified information about the event -obtained from his Chinese government friends - in The Times, to attract attention of other Powers. He also criticized Japan’s policies in this event and Britain’s indifferent reaction to it. His activities and reports, in which he was fighting for Chinese benefit, weren’t as effective and influential as he expected, but they provided support for China to claim Fakumann railway rights in public opinion. Also his interaction with Chinese foreign office officials supported them to be firm with Japan during the talks.Chapter 8 studies Morrison’s views on the spreading revolutionary thought and uprisings in different places throughout China to analyze his ideas on the Chinese situation before the Xinhai Revolution. In contrast with his sympathy for China’s Xinzheng Reform, Morrison opposed the dissemination of revolutionary thought in China because he considered such thought to be a dangerous threat both to the reform and to the Qing government’s rule. Compared with his optimistic view on the reform, he was pessimistic about revolution. Because of the fact that most revolutionary uprisings were being subdued by Qing army, Morrison thought the revolutionary party wasn’t a real threat to the Qing government’s rule. In general, he thought Chinese situation was optimistic and stable.In conclusion, Morrison’s views on China reflected those Chinese things he saw in a comparatively correct way. His views changed with China’s own reform and changes.更多还原