公民与共和

【作者】 刘训练；

【导师】 徐大同；

【作者基本信息】 天津师范大学 ， 政治学理论， 2006， 博士

【摘要】 共和主义在西方是一种源远流长的政治文化传统，但自19世纪以后，它作为一种政治意识形态就已经无可挽回地衰落了。然而，20世纪后期以来，西方学术界却兴起了一场共和主义的复兴运动。“共和主义的复兴”如今已经成为整个西方政治理论的一大景观，相关的探讨已经在历史、理论和实践诸层面全方位展开，其发展势头方兴未艾。在这场学术复兴运动中，共和主义传统中几乎所有的重要问题都以新的形式出现了。 本文的研究对象是当代西方的新共和主义，并分为共和主义的自由观、共和主义的民主观与共和主义的公民观这样三个具体问题展开论述。本文虽然主要以共和主义的当代言说作为立论依据，但必要时也会援引古典共和主义作为思想资源。与这种“厚今薄古”的方式相一致的是，本文坚持理论分析与历史追溯相结合、但前者为主后者为辅的方法。 本文在总的指导思想上坚持马克思主义的辩证唯物主义和历史唯物主义，力求实事求是地分析古典共和主义分化、衰落与新共和主义兴起的社会政治背景。同时，对共和主义与自由主义各自的长短得失努力做出辨证、客观的评价。 在具体的研究方法上，本文主要采取比较分析的方法。也就是说，在介绍和分析共和主义及其相关议题时，始终将共和主义与自由主义加以对照，突出它们之间的异同。之所以坚持这种比较的方法，是因为对当代任何一种政治思想流派和潮流的介绍如果不放在自由主义占据主导地位的背景中加以认识，那么我们就不可能弄清楚它在政治光谱中的位置，也就无法认清其本质。具体到共和主义，自由主义本身就是从古典共和主义中衍生出来的，但古典共和主义并没有在自由主义产生之后一下子消失于近代欧洲的政治话语，它们之间存在着某种共生互进的关系；当然，古典共和主义在19世纪的式微与自由主义的发展和演进也是密切相关。另一方面，新共和主义的复兴在很大程度上是因自由主义的某些缺失而产生的，或者说它是作为自由主义的补充或替代而出现的。因此，如果不通过两者的对照，我们根本就无法展开共和主义的诸多议题。 这样，本文以自由观、民主观和公民观这三个具体议题为经线，以共和主义与自由主义的关系(包括历史和理论两个维度)为纬线，描绘了当代新共和主义更多还原

【Abstract】 The last four decades, there have seen a resurgence of interest in the tradition of political thought known as republicanism (or civic republicanism). Indeed, the rise in historical, legal and political commentary on, and interest in, republicanism has been so dramatic as to be called a "republican revival".In this paper, I will survey the central ideas of republican political theory and outline some of their contemporary claims to attention. Especially, I will examine the concepts of liberty, democracy and citizenship in new republicanism.The roots of the contemporary republican/liberal debate lie in Isaiah Berlin’s famous distinction between positive and negative liberty. Traditionally, many theorists believed that republicanism was best understood as a doctrine of positive liberty. These civic humanist or neo-Athenian republicans held that freedom was connected with a specific type of flourishing in a system of democratic self-government. The neo- Athenian republicanism of Hannah Arendt and Charles Taylor favour this type of approach.However, recently a growing body of scholarship has challenged this view. Most notable among these is the work of Quentin Skinner and Philip Pettit, who argue that the neo-Roman republicanism of Machiavelli and those later theorists he influenced is best understood within the context of negative liberty as it relates to agents acting unimpeded by others. By both forms, republican freedom rests on two dimensions of active citizenship—civic virtue and political participation.Republican citizens are expected to take account of the common good, not just their own individual interests. There is the traditional, rather authoritarian sense of the common good. But there is another sense, of shared goods, which citizens enjoy only as citizens, through the social practices in which they participate. These common goods are not fixed and predeterminate. Thus contemporary republican proposals to reinstate concern for the common更多还原