【作者】 牛静岩；

【导师】 赵旭东；

【作者基本信息】 中国农业大学 ， 农村发展与管理， 2014， 博士

【摘要】 水与土都是农业社会的核心资源。由于土的固定性以及长在土里的庄稼无法移动,从事农业生产的人也被固定在土地之上,费孝通据此提出“乡土中国”的理论。而由水的流动性引发的是人与人之间的合作或者冲突,围绕水的利用可能形成一整套勾连国家与社会、历史与现在的社会文化关系。基于上述思考,本文采用人类学田野民族志的方法,对位于漳河上游流域、河北省与河南省交界的两个村落间的争水纠纷进行系统考察。文章的分析置于乡村社会的“平常—非常”这一框架下进行：在平常的日子里,西山村与东平村的人们通过通婚、市场活动以及宗教信仰生活等,形成多样的社会交往,村庄的边界隐于背后；在村落间由于争水而发生纠纷的“非常”的状态之下,村落的边界一方面向彼此闭合,一方面向国家力量开放。在此过程中,村落内部并非是同质的,政治精英的个人意愿与实践、政治精英之间以及政治精英与普通村民之间的互动都对国家力量进入乡村的方式形成影响。村落再次由“非常”回归到“平常”后,在非常状态下得以进入乡村的国家权力被村落政治精英以不同的方式进行转化与应对。村庄同时也面临着城镇化与现代化的冲击。文章的主要结论有：在西山村与东平村所处的漳河上游流域,在水渠尚未建设,漳河水无法用于农业灌溉之前,自然存在状态的河水并不是人们的争夺之物。在遭遇旱灾的年份,人们选择逃荒来应对这一无法依靠自身力量来解决的情况。当水被人利用,进入到人类社会之后,就具有了社会性,其中最为主要的就是围绕水的利用和开发,人与人之间会形成相应的关系。也就是在此基础上,“水利社会”的概念得以提出。西山村与东平村以及周围的村落,虽然具有“水利社会”的一些特征,却并未形成某种类型的“水利社会”：在大跃峰区和跃进渠先后建成之后,当地人的生计方式由雨养农业转变为灌溉农业,稻米被纳入到地方文化体系当中。当渠水成为稀缺资源时,两个村庄之间发生以村落为单位的械斗。但是这一地区的水利开发的历史从大跃进时期才开始,人们所信仰的水神龙王也不具有“治水”的象征意义,龙王是作为“自然之神”代表着当地人对风调雨顺的向往。最重要的是,地方性的水利管理组织体系并没有形成,区域内也不存在人们共同遵守的分水规则。两个村落之间发生的争水纠纷既不是发生在“水利社会”的范围之内促成地方性的分水秩序,也没有推动超越村落的联盟的形成,所以,两个村落之间发生的械斗并非是结构性的冲突,而是当地人为了呼唤国家力量对稀缺资源进行配置所采用的一种策略性冲突。当地人对国家力量的主动追求不等同于接受国家对于村落生活的彻底渗透,而是将国家力量作为一种能够实现自身需求、可以利用的“武器”,也就是在这个意义上,村落政治精英的个人实践对国家力量进入乡村的方式形成影响。而村落政治精英是否能够获得普通村民认可与尊敬,一个重要的判断标准是能否将国家力量“放置于”一个“合适”的位置,使其一方面能够解决村民生活遭遇的问题,一方面对村民按照自身意愿所安排的生活不形成打扰。当地水渠的修建始于大跃进时期,与国家对于乡村社会的全面治理几乎同时开始,事实上,水渠的建设本身也是国家治理的一项内容。水渠作为国家从上而下治理的产物,进入到乡村社会以后,当地并没有一套能够与之接轨的从下而上的内生秩序,不仅如此,两个村落之间长期维持的动态平衡还由于水渠所带来的影响被打破,村落之间争水纠纷频发。国家进一步对纠纷进行治理,成立专门机构对水渠的分水进行管理。但是中国社会特别是乡村社会中,与显规则(作为文本的制度)相比,真正发挥作用的往往的是“潜规则”。由于村落政治精英运用潜规则能力有所不同,他们在与分水机构进行互动时,达成的结果也有所不同,形成了新的不平衡。在此基础上,本研究提出了“治理性失衡”的概念。更多还原

【Abstract】 Water and land are the core resources of agricultural society. Because land is fixed and crops cannot be transplanted, people engaged in the agricultural production are also fixed on the land, based on that, Fei Xiaotong proposed the "Rural China" theory. While the liquidity of water could cause cooperation or conflict between people, around the utilization of water can evolve a complete social culture relation which links the nation and society, history and present. On the basis of the above thinking, this article adopts anthropological field ethnography, and conducts systematical investigation on the water disputes between two cross-province villages at the upstream watershed of Zhang River. Under the "normal-abnormal" frame of rural society, it finds that on the normal days, Xi Shan village and Dong Ping village have various social interactions such as intermarriage, trading and religious life, which obscures their border; however, once there is conflict brought by water, both of them will be under the "abnormal" condition, which means one’s border is closed to the other and is open to the national force. During this process, the internal village is not homogeneous, because the individual practice of rural political elite, the communication among elites as well as the interaction between them and villagers influence the way how the national force enters villages. After the villages returns from "abnormal" to "normal" again, the national force which has entered the villages under abnormal condition will be transformed in different ways by rural political elite. Meanwhile, the villages are facing the challenges of urbanization and modernization. The main conclusions are as follows:At the upstream watershed of Zhang River where the two villages are located, before the construction of canal, the river water cannot be utilized for agricultural irrigation, and there is no water dispute. In drought years, with such problem cannot be resolved by themselves, villagers would flee to other place to make a living. It is when water is utilized that it becomes social. After that, water use and exploitation turn into focal points, which produce interpersonal relationship and some corresponding relations. On this basis, the concept of "irrigating society" has been drawn.Though villagers like Xi Shan, Dong Ping and some environs have certain characteristics of "irrigating society", they fail to form a certain type of "irrigating society". After the construction of Da Yuefeng canal and Yue Jin canal, the local people’s livelihood changed from rain-fed to irrigated agriculture, introducing rice into local culture system. When canal water was scarce, armed fight occurred between villages. But the water utilization history of this area starts from the Great Leap Forward period, because the Dragon King no longer symbolizes "water control" but becomes the "God of nature" to satisfy people’s wishes for good weather. Most importantly, as regional water management system has not been formed, there is no rule of water deploy for people to abide by. As water disputes didn’t occur within "irrigating society", they couldn’t help to settle the local deploy rules, neither could it bring about the inter-village alliance. Therefore, the armed fight between villages is not structural conflict, but a strategic one which the locals use to request national force to allocate scarce resources.The native’s initiative pursue for national force doesn’t mean they accept the national force to infiltrate thoroughly into village life, which only means they utilize national force as a usable "weapon" to realize their own needs. In this sense, the individual practice of rural political elite will have their own influence on the entering of national force to villages. Whether the rural political elite can receive recognition and respect from villagers or not centers on an important standard, that is, if he can "place" national force at a "proper" position, using it to solve the current problems while not disturbing the villagers’ daily life, it is successful and welcomed.The local canal construction begins in the Great Leap Forward, at the same time, nation embarks on the comprehensive governance of rural society. In fact, the canal construction itself is one part of the national governance. Canal, as a creation of the national top-down governance, doesn’t have a corresponding down-top endogenous order after it enters rural society. Moreover, the long-term dynamic balance is broken under the influence of canal, for water disputes become more and more frequent. Nation sets up special organization to manage the deployment of canal water. While in China, especially the rural society, the "hidden rule" is always more effective in comparison with the "appeared rule", or "literal rules". As the rural political elites utilize "hidden rule" differently, they get distinct outcome and innovative imbalance through the interaction with water-distribution organizations. On these grounds, this dissertation proposes the concept of "governance imbalance".更多还原