【作者】 郭学军；

【导师】 曲春景；

【作者基本信息】 上海大学 ， 电影学， 2013， 博士

【摘要】 政治规训特性是1949-1979年期间中国电影批评的最重要特征，不仅表现为频繁的政治运动对电影批评往往具有决定性影响，还表现为意识形态要求和政治权力对电影批评的全面介入，政治标准既是评价电影思想内容的终极尺度，也是进行电影本体批评必不可少的规范。随着政治语境的不断变化，政治规训下的电影批评经历了从“左”倾到极“左”的变化过程。在这一过程中，电影批评对电影创作的影响极大，并体现出执政党通过文化霸权/文化领导权、实现国家现代化的政治逻辑。论文选择了从电影论争和电影批判的维度对这三十年的中国电影批评进行集中论述。论文分为五部分：一、政治权力对电影批评的强力介入。电影《武训传》批评运动开启了电影政治批评大幕，这一批评运动对后来的电影创作与批评影响极大。它看似突然，实则有严谨的政治和思想逻辑。之后，频繁的政治运动开启了电影批评的动员-改造模式，相继出现“为什么好的国产片这样少”、“艺术性纪录片”、“拔白旗”等电影批评运动。通过一系列电影批评，执政党完全控制了文化意识形态领导权，确立“左”倾思潮在电影批评中的霸权地位。二、为使电影更好地服务于新政权，更好地完成意识形态宣教任务，以电影管理者和电影从业者为主体的电影批评家在政治使命感的驱使下展开电影创作讨论。在讨论中基于电影本体发展的内在要求，电影批评客观上呈现出向自身回归的趋势，主要表现为批评家针对电影剧作、导演职责以及电影形式等展开了讨论。这些带有论争性质的电影本体批评虽然都以政治规训为旨归，但客观上具有促进中国电影艺术发展、丰富中国电影理论的作用。三、与美、苏先后交恶使得中国国际政治语境趋于封闭，政治规训下的中国电影批评选择从本土文化角度观照电影，体现出对政治使命的遵从，并形成本土化电影批评。电影批评家注意到电影与本土文化对接的可能性，并就此展开讨论与论争。主要包括蒙太奇的本土化阐释、从传统文艺中寻求电影资源的探讨、关于电影样式的论争等批评。这些争论和批评促进电影艺术向中国本土文化的发掘、对中国电影理论的积累具有一定积极意义。四、1963年后，政治语境持续“左”转，电影批评政治工具作用凸显并被迅速推向极致。“文革”爆发前，极“左”思潮主导下的电影批评先后发起针对“毒草”影片的三次批判，政治标准成为惟一尺度，电影本体诉求几乎得不到体现。“文革”爆发后，电影批评彻底沦为政治工具，极“左”派发起政治目的极为明显的电影批判。尽管方法简单、逻辑混乱，但符合极“左”政治逻辑。同时，“三突出”等激进批评方法被广泛应用于“样板戏电影”和“反走资派电影”的批评文本。五、“文革”结束至1979年，电影批评经历了从政治批判向观照自身的艰难尝试。“文革”刚结束时，“左”倾思潮犹存，尽管电影批评对象发生反转，但“文革”思维及其批评方式依然有效，并在揭批“黑线专政”论、“三突出”原则以及揭批“阴谋电影”的电影批评中继续发挥作用。但是，电影批评表现出挣脱政治规训的努力。更多还原

【Abstract】 The political discipline is the most important characteristic of the Chinese filmcriticism between1949and1979, not only for frequent political movement havingdecisive influence on film criticism, but also for political power and ideology ofcomprehensive intervention of film criticism. The political standard is not only theultimate scale of evaluation of the content of the film, but also the essential criterionof the film ontology criticism. With the constant changes of the political contexts, thefilm criticism disciplined by politic experiences the change from the “left” toextremely “left”. In this process, the film criticism makes a difference to filmcreation greatly, and reflects the political logic of the ruling party realizing thenational modernization with cultural hegemony/cultural leadership. The dissertationis focused on the Chinese film criticism of the thirty years from the dimension of thefilm controversies and film animadversions. The dissertation is divided into fiveparts. The first, the political power gets involved in the film criticism strongly. Thefilm "Wu Xun Zhuan" criticism movement is the beginning of film political criticism,and this criticism movement takes a great on the film creation and film criticism later.It seems all of a sudden, but a precise political and ideological logic. Then, frequentpolitical movement starts a mobilization-transformation model of film criticismsuch as “why are there so few good national films in China”,“Artistry documentary”,and “white flag discharge”. After a series of film criticism, the ruling party iscompletely established in film critics. The second, in order to make the film servicein the new regime better, to complete the task of the ideology education better, thefilm critics composed by managers and movie practitioners launch cinema creationdiscussion with the political mission. In the discussion, based on the development ofthe inherent requirements of Film Ontology, film criticism has a trend of regressionto itself, mainly for the movie scripts, director duties and film forms are discussed bycritics. Although the debates on the character of ontology criticism consider politicaldiscipline as the aim, in fact they promote the development of Chinese film local art, and enrich Chinese film theories. The third, because China become enemies of theUnited States and The Soviet, the international political context of China tends to beclosed, and the Chinese film criticism disciplined by politic begins to perceive thefilm from the local culture angle, and shows its complying with the political mission,which is the localization of film criticism. Film critics note the possibility ofintegration between the movie and the native culture, and discuss or debate thetopics. The topics are involved in the localized explanation of montage, seeking themovie resources from traditional literature, the debates of film style and so on. Thesecontroversies and criticism have such positive significance as promoting the furtherintegration of movie art and the Chinese native culture, enriching the Chinese filmconcept and Chinese film theory. The fourth, after1963, the political contextcontinues to turn into the “left”, the film criticism’s function as political tool ishighlighted and is quickly pushed to the extreme. Before the outbreak of “CulturalRevolution”, film criticism guided by extremely "left" thoughts has launched threefilm animadversions on “poisonous weeds" films, political standards become theonly yardstick, the film ontology appeal hardly to be reflected. After the “CulturalRevolution” breaks out, film criticism completely turns into a political tool,extremely "left" has launches film criticism with the obvious political aim. Althoughthe method is simple with confusing logic, the film criticism complies with thepolitical logic of the extremely “left” thoughts. At the same time,“three prominent”and other radical criticism method are widely applied in the film criticism to “modelopera films” and "anti-capitalist roader films". The fifth, from the end of "CulturalRevolution" to1979, the film criticism experiences a tough change from politicalanimadversions to contemplating itself. When "Cultural Revolution" has just ended,"left" thoughts still exist. Although the film criticism object is reversal, the “CulturalRevolution” thinking and criticism are still valid, and continue to play a role inanimadverting on the "black dictatorship" theory,"three prominent" principle andcriticizing the "conspiracy movie". However, film criticism makes an effort to be faraway from political discipline.更多还原