【作者】 陆燕；

【导师】 段炳昌；

【作者基本信息】 云南大学 ， 中国少数民族艺术， 2013， 博士

【摘要】 彝族社会至今依然活跃着三种傩艺术样式：贵州威宁彝族的变人戏“撮泰吉”((?))、楚雄双柏彝族的虎傩“罗嘛啧”((?)])和“余莫拉格舍”((?))以及普洱江城彝族的涂面化装“捏改”(θ(?))。“撮泰吉”((?))面具傩舞流行于贵州省威宁县板底乡,每年正月初三至正月十五举行傩仪式。戏中人物有六个,有四个人物带面具。面具材料是木制,与服装配套穿戴,服装的色彩、形制与脸谱相配,非常古朴,几乎不饰雕凿,属于以人类为题材的拟人型面具。虎傩流行于云南省楚雄彝族自治州双柏县,该地彝族在每年正月初八至正月十五举行仪式,行傩驱鬼。化装成老虎的称为“罗嘛啧”((?)),流行于双柏县法裱镇小麦地冲村；化妆成豹子的称为“余莫拉格舍”((?)[(?)]),流行于大麦地冲乡峨足村。都是仿真性全身化妆,造型生动形象,色彩斑斓立体。涂面化装广泛流行于彝族地区,江城彝族的“捏改”((?))流行于国庆乡博别寨,每年正月初三到正月十五之间举行,意为“抹花脸”。其化妆性已经高度简化,只在脸上随意涂抹一些黑白颜色,没有固定的图案,象征性更强,模拟成分大大降低。然而,不管形式是繁复或简约,其深层的意趣旨归是一致的,那就是彝族人对疾病的恐惧和生命健康的向往。“傩”,读作[no21],彝文写作(?),就是疾病的意思。我们考证,在藏缅语族诸语言中,“病”的读音一致,原始藏缅语共同形式为*na。汉字的病字旁“广”,汉语读作[n(?)51],其本意是病人或孕妇卧床休养。《说文解字》解释说：“广,倚也。人有疾病,象倚箸之形。凡广之属皆从广。”傩和疾病有关。在汉语语境中,驱疫之傩的本字写作“难”,“难”是周代的驱疫之礼,“傩”是“难”的假借字。傩,《广韵》音“诺何切”；难,《广韵》音“那干切”、“奴案切”。《礼记·月令》陆德明《释文》：“难,乃多反。”《集韵》音“囊何切”。难,《诗经》里面仍可以跟阴声歌部押韵,比如：《诗经·桑扈》：“不戢不难,受福不那。”《诗经·隰桑》：“隰桑有阿,其叶有难。既见君子,其乐如何。”可见,依照《诗经》押韵以及谐声关系,可以知道“难”有歌部和元部两读。歌部起码汉代已经读单元音a。后汉、三国梵汉对译里面,梵语的a用歌部来对译。俞敏认为后汉歌部是a而鱼部为o。我们认为更早的时期歌部和鱼部应该是元音a和α。藏语na-ba为“患病、病痛”而nad为“病、疾病”。藏语里面,-d和-n都是名词后缀。藏语nad形式对应的实际就是汉语的*nan“难”(汉语的-n也是名词后缀)。汉语“吾”和“我”的关系,如藏语ηa和景颇语ηai33“我”之间的关系；而-n后缀不仅出现在藏语里面,也出现在景颇语里面,如(?)an31“肉”。汉语的鱼部固然跟藏缅语的*a对应,但是如果以歌部看汉语和藏缅语,同样两者之间也有对应关系,如藏缅语*(?)a“我”和汉语*(?)ar“我”。可见,藏缅语的*na“疾病”跟汉语的*nar“难(傩)”-*nan“难”共源。历史语言学的研究材料极大地支持了我们的论点：傩,就是疾病的意思。同时也帮助我们理解中国古代四大经典中医名著之一的《难经》(也称《皇帝八十一难经》)为什么叫《难经》,“难”在古代应该读作[no21],《难经》就是治病之经的意思。因为傩和疾病的之间存在着这样的深层关系,所以我们就不难理解为什么傩面具或傩形象如此怪诞夸张,这是疾病产生的幻觉造成的。由傩产生彝族的灵魂观念、祖先崇拜观念,甚至整个彝族宗教信仰体系都和疾病有着千丝万缕的联系,以至于在彝族为丧者引导阴路的《指路经》中都大量出现有关疾病和医药的话题,并且还有专门为丧者传医授药的经籍——《作祭献药供牲经》。在整个傩仪式中,不论是楚雄的虎傩、威宁的“撮泰吉”还是江城的“捏改”,其间贯穿的核心信息就是驱逐疫疾,祈求体泰身康。由于傩艺术是一个涉及广泛的话题,它所关涉的层面很多,也比较复杂,鉴于此,我们的研究首先在理论上整合宗教人类学、艺术人类学、医学人类学、语言学等多学科的研究经验,聚焦彝族的三类傩仪式——威宁彝族的“撮泰吉”((?)[tsho21nthe55dzi21])、楚雄彝族的“罗嘛啧”((?)lo21ma21ts(?)21])和“余莫拉格舍”((?)zy21mo21la33g(?)21s(?)33])、江城彝族的“捏改”((?)),梳理出它们和疾病的深层关系,并且探讨了彝族的疾病观以及预防治疗的实践,进行跨学科、立体式研究。其次在材料性论据的使用上,笔者整合了田野调查中收集的以及彝文古籍等第一手资料、现代以来民族研究中的调查资料、汉语古籍史料等第二手资料,加强对论题的说明和论证。论文在厘清了傩的核心含义后,进一步梳理了彝族固有的疾病理论和传统治疗体系,了解彝族医疗体系中自然药用药理和超自然病理医治两大并行系统互相补充的多元医疗体系,着力论述了仪式治疗的意义和作用。一般来说,药物治疗体系中动、植物的药用及疗效是代代观察和积累下来的,并且通过彝文医药经典比如《聂苏诺期》等代代相传；民间更主要的渠道是通过邻里、亲戚之间的走动互相交流和传播。对于超自然因素导致的疾病则多采用超自然的手段对付,比如献祭和咒语巫术。彝族人的家里几乎家家都供奉有祖灵,家里人一旦有了伤病,就要给祖灵献祭,求其保佑并帮助后代度过难关。因此家庭献祭非常殷勤。但是,如果家庭献祭等小法术不起作用,就要延请经验丰富、法力高强的人,比如毕摩((?))或苏尼((?))来举行较大、较正式,也比较专业和繁琐的仪式。而且,每年全族或村寨性的大型傩祭仪式的定期举行,更是这一观念的强化和表现,正因为如此,傩艺术会伴随着彝族的疾病和疾病意识一直存在下去。更多还原

【Abstract】 Yi society has preserved three exorcism art rituals to this day:Weining Yi’s "tsho21nthe55dzi21"((?)), Chuxiong Yi’s "lo21ma21t(?)21"((?))and "zy21mo21la3(?)21(?)33"((?), and Jiangcheng Yi’s "(?)33gε11"((?)).The tsho21nthe55dzi21exorcism mask dance is found in Bandi District, Weining County, Guizhou Province, performed as a play for the purpose of implementing change, and is held every year on the third to fifteenth day of the first month of the lunar calendar. The play has six characters, all of whom wear masks (except the child being carried by one of the players). The masks are made of wood and worn with clothing that matches the colors and shapes of the mask. The masks are very simple with almost no decorative carving; they are anthropomorphic masks with humanity as their theme. Tiger body painting is found in Shuangbai County, Chuxiong Yi Autonomous Prefecture of Yunnan Province. Every year, from the eighth to the fifteenth day of the first lunar month, the Yi in this location hold an exorcism ritual. The participants in Xiaomaidichong Village, Fapiao Township, Shuangbai County paint themselves as tigers and are called "lo21ma21ts(?)21"((?)), while the participants in nearby Ezu Village, Damaidi District paint themselves as leopards and are called "zy21mo21la33g(?)21(?)33"((?)). Both paint their whole bodies in an imitative fashion, and their costumes’ appearance is vivid, colorful, and three-dimensional. Face painting is found in many Yi areas; Jiangcheng County Yi’s "(?)e33gε21"((?)), which means "to wipe the face", is held every year from the third to the fifteenth day of the first lunar month in Bobie Village, Guoqing District. The nature of the makeup is very simple, with randomly placed black and white paint on the face, without a fixed pattern; the symbolic value is strong, while the imitative nature is reduced. However, regardless of the forms’ complexity or simplicity, their deep significance is the same:that is, Yi people’s fear of disease and yearning for life and health. The term "to exorcise", called [no21] and written (?) in Yi, refers to disease. The disease radical in the Chinese writing system is "疒", pronounced [n(?)51] in Chinese, referring to an invalid or pregnant woman resting in bed. In the classic Chinese text, Explaining and Analyzing Characters,"疒", is defined as "a sick person who looks like a horizontal chopstick. All diseases should carry this radical." The Proto-Tibeto-Burman reconstructed form for disease is*na.The original Chinese character for exorcism (傩) of epidemics was written "难" referring to the exorcism ritual of the Zhou dynasty."傩" is a phonetic loan character of "难" According to the Middle Chinese rhyming dictionary Guangyun,傩was pronounced with the initial consonant of the character诺*n and the rhyme of何*a, while难was pronounced with the initial consonant of the character那or奴*n and the rhyme of干or案*an. But in Lu Deming’s Explanation of "The Classic of Rituals",难is pronounced with the initial consonant of the character乃*n and the rhyme of多*a; in the rhyming dictionary Jiyun, with the initial consonant of the character囊*n and the rhyme of何*a. In The Book of Songs,难can rhyme with the upper register歌rhyme*a, for example in the poem Sanghu,难rhymes with那, and in the poem Xisang,难rhymes with阿. From The Book of Songs rhyming and pronunciation concordance relationships, we see that难was pronounced in two ways, with the rhymes of歌*a and元*-on. By the Han dynasty,歌was pronounced as the simple vowel*a:Chinese transliterations of Sanskrit from the Later Han Dynasty and Three Kingdoms Period uses歌to transliterate Sanskrit’s*a. Yu Min believes that, during the Later Han Dynasty,歌was pronounced*a and鱼was pronounced*o. We think that, at an earlier time,歌*and鱼were pronounced*a and*a. Tibetan na-ba means "sickness, pain" and nad means "disease". In Tibetan,-d and-n are nominal suffixes. Tibetan form nad is cognate with Chinese’s*nan "难"(-n also served as a nominal suffix in Chinese). The correspondence between "吾" and "我"(both meaning lst person singular) is similar to that between Tibetan ηa and Jingpo ηai33(lst person singular). The-n suffix appears not only in Tibetan, but also in Jingpo, for example (?)an31"meat." Chinese’s鱼rhyme admittedly corresponds to Tibeto-Burman’s*a, but it is clear that the歌rhyme and Tibeto-Burman’s*a also have a correspondence relationship, for example Tibeto-Burman’s*ηa"lst person singular" and Chinese*ηar "lst person singular." From this, we see that Tibeto-Burman’s*na "disease" and Chinese*nar "难(傩) exorcism/disease"～*nan "difficult" are cognates.Historical linguistics research strongly supports our argument that the character傩, now meaning exorcism, originally meant disease. At the same time, this helps explain why the title of the Book of Diseases 《难经》, one of ancient China’s four classics of medicine (also called The Emperor s81Diseases Book) has难in it;"难", pronounced [no21] in ancient times, was referring to a book of disease treatment.After understanding the deep relationship between exorcism and disease, we can understand why ancient exorcism ritual art cannot be divorced from the topic of disease; even more, we can understand why exorcism masks and images are exaggerated and grotesque: they are the image of hallucinations brought on by disease. Disease led to the Yi concept of the soul and the concept of ancestor worship; even the entire Yi religious belief system and disease are inextricably linked. As a result, the Book for Guiding Spirits, a Yi cultural text for mourners to guide the deceased spirit to the netherworld, touches on many topics of disease and medicine. There is even a text on medicine specifically for mourners, the Book of Animal Sacrifice and Medicine Offerings. Across all exorcism rituals, whether Chuxiong’s exorcism by tiger, Weining’s "tsho21nthe55dzi21" or Jiangcheng’s face painting, the shared core message is the expulsion of epidemics and prayers for health.An interdisciplinary approach is adopted for this study for two main reasons. To begin, exorcism is an elusive concept to define in contemporary cultural context. Moreover, exorcism-related culture, art, and other phenomena, which are equally elusive, also make it harder to research exorcism. Therefore, for the theoretical framework, this dissertation has integrated research insights from anthropological studies of religion, art, medicine, as well as linguistics. It is then applied to the analysis of the three Yi exorcism art rituals—Weining Yi’s "tsho21nthe55tzei21"((?)), Chuxiong Yi’s "lo21ma21ts(?)21"((?)) and "zy21mo21la33g(?)21se33"((?)), and Jiangcheng Yi’s "(?)e33gε21"((?)), as well as Yi ideologies of diseases and practices in disease prevention and treatment. Data include first-hand field notes and ancient Yi scripts, as well as secondary sources such as recent ethnic studies and ancient Chinese historical texts.By clarifying the core meanings of傩"exorcism/disease," this dissertation helps to elucidate Yi’s theory of diseases and traditional practices in treatment. They are two complementing systems involving both the use of natural medicine and supernatural forces. Simplistic as they are, they have been passed on from generation to generation and continuously improved. The Yi theory of diseases and treating practices has contributed to the sustainment and growth of a whole people group, which should not be neglected.Usually, knowledge about medicinal power of animal parts and herbs is accumulated through observation by many generations and circulated through visits among neighbors and relatives. As for diseases occurring unnaturally, supernatural means such as offering sacrifices, chanting and exorcism, are called for. Family altars are widespread among Yi households. Whenever a family member suffers from a serious disease, offerings would be made diligently to ancestral spirits to seek their protection. If small-scale rituals such as family offering fail, experienced personnel with high power such as毕摩((?)[bi33mo34) or苏尼((?)[su33(?)i33]) priests may be asked to perform bigger and more professional and elaborated rituals. In addition, grand exorcism rituals for the whole people group or village are also held regularly. For these reasons, exorcism ritual art will continue as long as there are human diseases.更多还原