【作者】 罗义云；

【导师】 柏贵喜；

【作者基本信息】 中南民族大学 ， 民族学， 2012， 博士

【摘要】 侗族生活在黔、桂、湘三省交界地带，历史上，这一区域的人们面临着严峻的生存挑战。侗族社会的生存危机来自两个方面：一是社会性的危机，主要表现在战乱、匪盗、械斗、苛政等方面；二是自然性的危机，主要表现在农业灾害、粮食短缺、瘟疫等方面，其中最突出的问题是粮食短缺。因为持续的生存危机的存在，可以说侗族是一个没有安全感的族群，安全原则成了社会建构的基本准则。本文以一个村落为个案，从聚落形态、村与村的关系、村与寨的关系、主体信仰、社会分层、民间权威、家庭结构、社会网络、生育观念、婚姻观念等方面对侗族社会结构进行了剖析，揭示了侗族社会的一整套生存策略和生存伦理。无论是社会性危机还是自然性危机都促成了这一区域人口不断地迁徙。人口的迁徙不仅形成了多民族杂居的格局，也使侗族融入了相当程度的外族血统。落荒而来的移民从两个方面构建了自身的生存保障系统，一是个人（家庭）层面的保障，主要应对的是自然（物质）性的生存危机；二是村寨（族群）集体层面的保障，主要应对的是社会性的生存危机。当一个社会过于强调某种需求时，它很容易丧失或忽视其他的机会，安全与发展的两难在侗族社会的各个层面都得以体现。当人们面对严峻的生存压力时会自然依赖群体性的力量，侗族人民从三条路径获得这种力量。首先是建立地域共同体。零散的移民通过高度的聚居构建了一个个规模巨大的村寨，一座村寨就是一座防御性的堡垒。这种在“安全第一”原则下选择的聚落形态严重背离了生态原则，最突出的问题是加重了农耕的负担和严重的火灾威胁。其次是建立社会共同体。各方而来的移民通过结拜兄弟、共同的村落祖先崇拜——萨崇拜构建了一个村落整体的拟制血缘宗族，从精神层面形成了统一的社会认同。在这个拟制的宗族体内，根据落寨（定居）的先后、经济的贫富、鬼蛊的有无建立社会等级秩序，贫穷的、后落寨的移民则可能沦入半人半鬼的境地处于社会底层。村落祖先的祭祀仪式体现了这种社会等级安排。寨老权威的存在维持了村落在行动上的统一性，是维护村落公益必不可少的条件，但是寨老行为也强烈体现了个人意志而可能违背集体利益。由此我们可以看出，虽然存在不断的迁徙，后来的移民为了获得村落的庇护归附于迁入地的社会体系，村落社会的主体架构依然稳定。最后是村落联盟的建立。当生存的压力足够大时就需要建立超越一村一寨的地域（族群）性的行动单位，村落联盟——款便是这样的行动单位。一个村寨会根据具体的情势需要参加多个（多次）的合款。合款根据事本主义的原则建立村与村的关系，不受村寨关系好恶的影响。除合款之外，侗族村寨之间还存在两种持久性的互动关系：互访和械斗。互访建立村际世交关系；械斗则形成世仇。村寨集体层面的世交或世仇关系基本上不影响个人层面的交往。个人（家庭）层面的生存策略主要是为获得基本的物质生活保障，很大程度也受到集体生存策略的限制。农民通过囤积粮食来防备可能的歉收，通过维持大家庭模式为老人、单身汉等弱势成员提供生活保障，通过生育儿子为自己的老年贮备体力，这些是在个人（家庭）可控的范围内所做的选择。超越个体家庭能力所及的生活难题则要依赖结拜兄弟、姻族、歌班所建构的社会网络的支持。为了建立更有力的社会网络，村民倾向于在村内通婚，同时社会的等级观念又限制了婚姻选择，由此造成了包办婚姻与青年人自由恋爱的严重冲突，出现了“不落夫家”和“貌合神离”的夫妻关系模式。新中国建立以来，因为国家控制力量的增强，社会危机得以解除，集体层面的生存压力可以说已经消失。由此我们看到，原本紧密的聚落开始向外围扩散，传统的社会等级观念在年轻一代变得淡化，寨老的权威也受到越来越多的质疑，村寨间的合款也仅限于娱乐性的内容。但是，目前来说这些变化都还不足以从根本上动摇村民的社会认同，村寨社会的内聚力依然强大，经常性的民间集体行动为我们展示了这种力量。随着村民大规模的外出打工和国家对农村的一系列扶持性政策的出台，他们开始有机会从村落之外获得物质资源，基本的温饱有了保障。现在的问题是，饥荒的阴影仍然挥之不去，村民试图通过囤积粮食和生育儿子来应对近期和长远的饥荒，这种策略已经产生了严重的后果，不仅限制了他们生活的改善也使出生性别比畸高，大量的男人失去了婚配的机会。更多还原

【Abstract】 Dong nationality lives in the border area of Guangxi, Guizot, Hunan. In history, inthis area people are faced with serious challenges for survival. The survival crisis comefrom two aspects: one is the social crisis, mainly in the war, bandits, fights, tyranny; theother is a natural disaster, mainly in agricultural disaster, food shortages, plagues andother aspects, and the most prominent problem is the shortage of food. Because of theexistence of the continuing survival crisis, it can say the Dong is an insecure group,security becomes a social constructionist principle.This paper takes a village as a case, from the settlement pattern, the relationshipbetween village and village, the main belief, social stratification, the civil authority,family structure, social network, birth idea, concept of marriage and other aspects, toanalyze of the structure of the society, reveal a set of strategies of survival and survivalethics of the society of the Dong.Either social crisis or natural crisis has contributed to people’s continuing migrationin this area. Population migration not only formed a multi-ethnic mixed cultural pattern,also make a considerable degree of foreign descent into the Dong. The immigrants builttheir own survival guarantee system from two respects, one is individual (familial)levels of security, mainly dealing with natural (material) survival crisis; the other is avillage (ethnic) group’s level of security, mainly dealing with social crisis. When asociety emphasizes only a need, it is easy that lose or ignore other opportunities, thedilemma of security and development is reflected at all levels of the society of theDong.When people face great pressure for survival will depend on the strength of groupsnaturally, the Dong people obtain this force from the three paths. The first is toestablish regional community. Sporadic immigrations construct large villages; a villageis a defensive fortress. The “safety first” principle of choosing settlement forms asignificant departure from the principle of ecology, the most prominent problem is toaggravate farming and face with a severe fire threat. This was followed by theestablishment of community. The immigrations construct a prepared blood lineagethrough the sworn brothers, and the village common ancestor worship formed a unifiedsocial identity. In the fiction of lineage, social hierarchy has been established accordingto the time of settling, economic condition and the relationship with ghost, the poor and later settling immigration may fall into the bottom of society. Village ancestral ritereflects this kind of social class arrangement. The folk authority exists to maintain theunity in action of the villagers, which is the essential condition to maintain the publicwelfare, but the authorities’ behavior also strongly reflects the personal will and mayviolate collective interests. From this we can see that, although the presence of constantmigration, later immigrants in order to obtain the village asylum moved into the socialsystem, the main body of social structure remains stable. The last is a village alliance.When the pressure of survival is large enough to require the establishment of collectiveaction among villages, village alliance--Kuan is such action unit. A village accordingto the specific situation participates in more than one (one time) of alliance, which is akind of relationship beyond the feelings of liking or disliking between village andvillage. In addition to village alliance, there still exist two kinds of persistentinteraction relations: mutual visiting and fighting. Mutual visiting forms thegenerational friendship and fighting results in a feud. The collective relationshipbasically does not affect the individual level.The survival strategy of individual (family) levels is to obtain basic living security,largely constrained by the collective survival strategy. The farmers hoard food toprevent possible failures, maintain the family pattern to provide life insurance for theelderly, bachelors and other vulnerable members, and birth sons for their old age,which are in individual (family) controllable range of choices. Beyond individualfamily ability the problems of life depend on supporting of social network consisted ofsworn brothers, marriage family, singing groups. In order to establish a stronger socialnetwork, the villagers tend to marry in the village, and social hierarchy limits thechoices of marriage, which results in a conflict between arranged marriages by parentswith freely loving among the young people, and the relationship model of “notfollowing the husband”and“unite outwardly but divide at heart”between husband andwife.Since new China is built, because of enhancement of the country control force,social crisis are lifted, the collective level survival pressure can be said to bedisappeared. Thus we see, originally closer settlement began to external proliferation,the traditional conception of social hierarchy in the younger generations is desalinating,folk authority has also been questioned more and more, the closing village alliance isconfined to entertaining content. However, at present, these changes are not enough toradically change the village’s social identity; the village social cohesion is still strong, recurrent folk collective action shows us the strength. As the mass of migrant workersand a series of supportive policies for rural area, they have the opportunity to obtainmaterial resources from the outside of a village, the basic food and clothing has aguarantee. The question now is that the brandish famine consciousness does not go andthe strategy, trying to hoard food and birth sons to cope with the recent and long-termfamine, has resulted in serious consequences. It not only limits the improvement oftheir life but also forms an abnormal high sex ratio at birth which makes many menlose their mating opportunities.更多还原