【作者】 陶自祥；

【导师】 贺雪峰；

【作者基本信息】 华中科技大学 ， 社会学， 2013， 博士

【摘要】 在华北村庄农民的观念中,“光棍”不算一个家庭,而在中部村落农民的观念中,“光棍”是一个意义完备的社区性家庭,但在华南村落农民的观念中“纯女户”才是毫无意义的家庭。不同区域农民对家庭的认识差异为何如此之大?农民观念中的家庭在熟人社会中如何生长出来的?家庭延续背后的机制是什么?家庭性质及其文化内涵有着怎样的区域类型差异?如何阐释这些区域类型差异?本文从家庭分裂与继替切入,以家庭延续为研究对象,以区域类型比较为研究方法,以家庭“三元素”为理论分析框架,以家庭性质为研究目标,旨在建构一个理解我国农民家庭延续现象的总体性解释框架。换而言之,本文旨在探讨子家庭如何脱离母家庭,并经历怎样的社区化过程,才能继承和发展母家庭特质,最终成为符合“地方性知识”要求的家庭。文章论述的内容分为四大部分：第一部分是理论分析框架。为便于理解家庭延续机制,本文从复杂的家庭生活现象提炼出家庭“三元素”,即分析家庭的三个面向。概括地说,一个完整的家庭需要具备相对完整的财产权、承担合理的伦理责任、生长为相对独立的社区性家。家庭的延续就是从母家庭中分裂出来的子家庭的财产权生成、伦理责任实践和社区性家扮演的动态过程。第二部分从家庭三元素角度分析了华北农民家庭延续机制。华北平原父权缺乏祖产支撑,父权不强,所以儿子成家后就有从母家庭中获得独立财产权的强烈要求,进而引发兄弟相互争产和母子家庭财产权冲突；同时在“门子”竞争压力下,父母“过日子”旨在完成子代成家的任务,造成家庭所有资源流向子代,从而形成厚重失衡的代际伦理责任；子代在获得“家格”之后,替代母家庭参与社区互动,母子家庭社区性身份呈现出一种更替的关系。第三部分从家庭“三元素”实践形态切入,并进而比较了家庭继替模式的区域类型差异。华南团结型村落宗族价值规范较强,家庭存在等级性的代际关系和权力格局。家庭延续时凸显出传统大家庭父权的色彩,母家庭相对于子家庭,在财产权、家庭资源配置和社区化过程中都具有优势,子家庭是在母家庭的庇护下成长。“父在,子不能专”,只有当父亲去世,或主动移交当家权之后,子家庭才获得独立完整的财产权和社区参与资格。因此,华南宗族性家庭延续是一种“承继模式”。华北分裂型村庄农民家庭延续时,子家庭对母家庭分割、替代,财产始终为核心家庭所控制,母子家庭的财产权是冲突的；在伦理责任方面,子代成家立户是父母最“操心”的事,从而形成失衡的代际伦理责任；在社区交往层面母子家庭的社区性身份不兼容,母家庭随子家庭成长而逐渐消亡。因此,华北农民家庭延续是一种“更替模式”。中部分散型村落农民家庭延续过程中,由于家族发育极不成熟,家庭是一个提供个人生活体验的场所,财产权转移不明显,子代成家之后,母子家庭财产权独立并存：在伦理责任方面,家庭缺乏超越性价值诉求,父母不必为子代成家而“操心”,是一种低度的代际伦理责任；子代成家之后,母子家庭自由度很强,母子家庭成为互不干涉的两个社区性单位。可见,分散型村落农民家庭延续是一种“共存模式”。第四部分讨论了“不分而分”家庭延续模式。区域类型村落家庭延续模式虽然占据主导地位,但随着家庭子女数量锐减,在打工经济背景下,超越区域类型具有全国趋同性的“不分而分”家庭模式逐渐出现,母子家庭不需经历分家形式就可在财产权、人情往来方面发展成为两个相对独立的主体。通过对家庭延续现象进行区域类型比较后,本文得出三个基本结论：一是家庭性质存在区域类型差异。华南农民家庭本质上是以世系绵延为目标的“祭祀性”家庭；华北农民家庭延续旨在把“家格”传递给子代,继续参与激烈的社区生活竞争,其本质是一个“竞争性”家庭；中部农民家庭本质上是“生活性”家庭,家庭存续是为了满足个人现实物质生活体验。二是家庭延续机制的差异是由于构造家庭“分、继、合”三种力量的组合程度造成的。三是独生子女家庭增多,家庭延续开始从“单系继承”向“双系继承”这一超越区域类型的趋同性模式过渡。更多还原

【Abstract】 "Bachelor" cannot be regarded as a family by the villagers in South China;"bachelor" can make up a complete community-based family in Midwest China; but villagers in Southern China only think the "pure girl family" as a meaningless family. Why does there exist such great a gap on the cognition of the family among villagers in different regions? How does the concept of family come into being? What is the mechanism behind family continuance? What are the regional differences in the nature of the family and its cultural connotations? How can these regional differences be explained? This article starts with family split and replacement. In this article, family continuance is the research subject, typological comparison of regions the research method,"three elements" of the family the analytical framework of theories and the nature of the family the research goal, all for establishing an integrated explanative framework to understand the family continuance in China. More specifically speaking, this article is aimed to investigate how the child family gets away from the maternal family and what kind of community-based processes it goes through before inhering and developing the traits of the maternal family and becoming finally consistent with the requirements of "local knowledge".This article is divided into four sections. The first section, the analytical framework of theories, abstracts "three elements" of the family from the complex family life, i.e. three aspects of the family, in order to facilitate the understanding of family continuance mechanism. Abstractly speaking, an intact family should have relatively complete property rights, bear reasonable ethnical responsibilities and become a relatively independent community-based family. Family continuance is in fact a dynamic process of generating property rights, practicing ethnical responsibilities and acting out a community-based family when a child family splits from the maternal family. The second section analyzes the family continuance mechanism of rural families in the North China Plain from the perspective of "three elements" of the family. On the North China Plain, patriarchal rights are not strong enough because of a lack of patrimony support and therefore married sons’intense requirement is let alone that they want to have independent property rights from the maternal family, which can further result in property contention among brothers and property rights conflicts between the maternal family and the child family. Meanwhile under the competition of "Men Zi"(a small group of relatives within five generations), parents live for finishing the task of children’s marriages, which makes all family resources flow toward next generation and consequently leads to the serious imbalance of intergenerational ethnical responsibilities. Once the filial generation acquires the "family individuality", they will take place of the maternal family to interact with the community. Therefore, the community-based identity of the maternal and child families takes on a relationship of replacement. The third section begins with the practical pattern of "three elements" of the family and then compares family replacement patterns to find out typological differences of regions. In Southern China, united villages have strict specifications of clan values, and hierarchical intergenerational relationships and power structures are characteristic of the families. Family continuance shows obviously patriarchal rights in traditional big families. Compared with a child family, the maternal family has an advantage on property rights, family resource allocation and community-based processes. The child family grows up under the protection of the maternal family. Just as an old saying goes, when father is alive, son cannot be in power. Only after the father’s death or his initiative transference of family power, the child family can completely get property rights and qualification of participating in the community. In a word, the continuance of clan families in Southern China is kind of "successive pattern." As for the villages in North China, when families of the splitting type extend, the maternal family is divided and replaced by the child family, property controlled by the core family and the conflicts of property rights between the maternal family and the child family formed. In terms of ethnical responsibilities, marriages and independence of next generation worry parents most and imbalanced intergenerational ethnical responsibilities follow. Community interactions do not allow compatible identity existence of both the maternal family and the child family and so the former gradually disappears with the development of the latter. It can be said that family continuance in North China belongs to a "replacement pattern". In the process of family continuance in Midwest decentralized villages, the family is a place for life experience because of the immature nature of the family development. There is no apparent transference of the property. When next generation gets married, the property rights of the maternal and child family coexist. The family lacks transcendent demands of values when it comes to ethnical responsibilities. Parents are not worried about children’s marriages, which manifests a low degree of intergenerational responsibilities. After the children’s marriages, the two kinds of family still keep a high degree of freedom and become two community-based units without mutual interference. Thus family continuance in decentralized villages is a "coexistence pattern." The fourth section talks about another pattern of family continuance "separation without apparent forms". Although family continuance patterns typical of regional villages take the lead, the pattern of family continuance—"separation without apparent forms" gradually appears which is a transcendent regional and national convergent type because the number of children staying at home is rapidly decreasing under the economic background of working outside. Without specific forms of separation, the maternal family and the child family can evolve into two independent bodies from the perspectives of property rights and social relations.Based on the typological comparison of regional family continuance, this article arrives at three fundamental conclusions. Firstly, family nature has typological differences of regions:village families in Southern China are in essence "sacrificial" families aimed at lineage succession; in North China by their very nature they are "competitive" families whose goals of family continuance are to hand "family individuality" down to next generation that should continue to participate in fierce community competitions; nevertheless the essence of village families in Midwest China is "living" families, the family continuance of which is to satisfy individual living experience of worldly materials. Secondly, that three forces constructing the family—"separation, succession and integration"—are differently compounded contributes to different family continuance mechanisms. Thirdly, as one-child families are on increase, family continuance begins to develop from "only son succession" to "son and daughter succession" that is a transcendent regional and convergent pattern.更多还原