民族政治精英的双重认同

【作者】 冶芸；

【导师】 杨圣敏；

【作者基本信息】 中央民族大学 ， 人类学， 2012， 博士

【摘要】 政治精英研究一直是学界关注的热点问题,但以往的研究主要集中在对精英的类型、精英在国家社会权力中的地位和作用进行历史或政治的书写,即在以往的论域中,学者们大多是基于国家控制论,强调政治精英既是权力秩序的根基,又是民族利益的代言人,在国家政治生态环境中起着“上”(国家)与“下”(民众)的润滑剂作用。这在一定程度上忽视了政治精英在社会文化变迁中的主体性意识,及该种意识对他们身份认同的影响,特别忽视了对少数民族政治精英身份意识的研究,事实上,少数民族政治精英的身份意识具有情境性的选择,从而呈现明显的境遇性与摇摆性。由此,本论文基于对青海一个自治县——S县回族干部的考察,将研究对象置于政治生活、日常生活两个不同场域下的多个场景中,通过共时性与历时性的双重视角,探查他们在社会变迁中的内心焦虑和摇摆不定,进而从身份的确认和演变过程来分析少数民族政治精英如何在民族与国家之间构建自我认同、如何在左右摇摆中寻求平衡,维系地方社会和谐。历时性主要是追溯了一个生动的地方背景——有着中国西北唯一一个回族土司的“中央一地方”治理历史。S县回族人口众多,自古以来,回族传统及文化就对当地其他民族有明显的影响。回族干部身处以回族为主体的多民族杂居社会,在多元文化交融及各民族利益碰撞中,既要维护国家利益,又要表达民族(宗教)诉求,因而往往会出现身份的模糊与混乱。无论是元明清时代作为朝廷指派的地方权威——回族冶土司,还是现当代具有合法身份的回族干部,大多会由于身份的双重性而出现两难困扰。这种困扰不仅来自于对自己身份的认知,也来自于他人对自己的角色认定,也就是说在大众对精英的角色期待中,形成了他们在身份认同上的“自观”与“他观”之间的紧张、冲突和协调。检视作为中国西北唯一一个回族土司漫长的变迁历程,可以看出元明清三代,他对中央王朝的认同经历了一个由亲而疏的变化。元明时期,作为地方政治精英的冶土司,始终在统一帝国的映照下与统治者和谐相处,对中原帝国保持着“有心向往之”的强烈认同。清代时,由于统治者的种种防范、压制,冶土司也举起了反清大旗,使得民族成员团结,加深了民族认同,这远远超过对中原王朝的归属感。民国时期的地方政治精英们,在五四运动的推动下,利用自己的身份、地位和权力积极谋求地方与国家、民族与民族间的利益。新中国成立后的六十年,冶土司后代及当代回族干部,作为地方政治精英随着三十年的政治运动和三十年的经济建设,总在民族身份与国民身份之间不停地“摆”,尤其当第三次民族主义浪潮到来时,“我是谁”的迷惑加重了回族干部自我认识的困境。回族的民族认同首先是建立在共同的伊斯兰信仰基础之上的。因而在日常生活中“穆斯林是一家”形象地表达了其民族(宗教)认同,无论择偶交友、子女教育还是宗教生活中处处表达着明显的民族亲切感。但身份的确定,除了明确的自我认同外,还必须有一个相应的社会定义。因为一个人对自我的认识不是全然取决于自身,而是主要形成于与他人的交往中,也就是说在别人的评价中人才会有真正自我的观念和对自我的认识,比如在实际的政治生活中,他们总会面临不同民族人民的不满和批评,所以同事、民众的评价客观上成为回族政治精英身份意识产生与转变的重要因素。也正是由于“自观”与“他观”之间无法回避的张力,才使得少数民族政治精英在民族认同与国家认同之间形成“钟摆式”地摇摆,不断寻求二者间的平衡,以恰当地处理民族成员与国家干部之间的关系。更多还原

【Abstract】 The research of political elite has long been the hot issue in the academic circle, but the previous studies mainly focused on the type of elite, its position in the country’s social power and its function from the political and historical perspective, that is, in the past theory domain, scholars mostly based their theory on the national cybernetics, emphasizing that the political elite are the foundation of power order, and the spokesperson of the interests of the nation as well, thus playing a role as lubricant to ease the relationship between the "up"(country) and the "down"(people) in the ecological environment of the national politics. This, to a certain extent, ignores the subjective consciousness of the political elite in the social cultural changes and the influence on their identity, in particular, ignoring the minority political elite’s identity. In fact, the minority political elite has situational dilemma in making choices on their identity, which has the features of situationality and swaying.Thus, this dissertation is based on an autonomous county, the S county, of Qinghai Province. For this investigation of the Hui nationality cadres, the research object is placed in the political life and daily life and gets extended in multiple scenes from the two different fields. Through the double perspectives of synchronicity and historicality, the paper explores their inner anxiety and undeterminedness in the social changes, thus further analyzes how the political elite minority establish their self identification in between the nation and state, and how they construct their identity in sake of keeping a balance and maintaining the local social harmony in face of swinging. Diachronism mainly follows a vivid local background, which is the only existing one with the Hui Tusi (a system of appointing national minority hereditary headman)"central—local" management history in the northwest part of China.S county has a large population of Hui people, since the ancient times, the tradition and culture of Hui nationality have apparent effect on other local nationalities. Living in a multiethnic society with the Hui nationality as the majority, the Hui nationality cadres have to safeguard the interests of the state and express national (religion) appeal as well in the collision due to multicultural mingling and different national interests. Therefore, they are easy to be confronted with uncertainty and confusion about their identity. No matter as the government appointed local authorities--Hui nationality Ye Tusi in the Yuan Dynasty, Ming Dynasty or Qing dynasty, or as modern and contemporary legitimate Hui nationality cadres, most of them will face a dilemma because of the duplicity of their identity. This kind of trouble not only comes from the identity of their own cognition, but also from how the others identify them, that is to say, the exception of others for the elite’s role contributes to the formation of tension, conflict and coordination between "self view" and "others’view" in their identity.From the review of the long changing history of the only existing Hui Tusi in Northwest China, we can see a long process from intimacy to alienation in the above-mentioned three dynasties. In the Yuan and Ming dynasties, as a local political elite and under the rule of the empire, the Ye Tusi always kept a harmonious connection with the unified empire and had a strong recognition of "devotion to it". In the Qing Dynasty, because of all kinds of bans and suppress from the ruler, Ye Tusi also rebelled against the Qing Dynasty, which unified the national members, enhanced the national identification, far exceeding the affiliation they previously had been in to the central royal court.In the republic period, the local political elite, with the spur of May4th movement, used their own identity, status and power to actively pursue the interests of the local place and the state, the nation and the ethnic groups. After the establishment of new China, in the following sixty years, as a local political elite, the offspring of the Ye Tusi and the contemporary Hui nationality cadres, with30years of political movement and thirty years of economic construction, kept swinging between the ethic identity and national identity, especially when the third wave of nationalism coming, the confusion of "who am I" increased the dilemma of the Hui nationality cadres in their self identification.The Hui ethnic identity first is based on a common Islamic faith. Thus in the daily life the slogan of "Muslim is a family" properly expresses their national (religious) identity, whether in making friends and choosing spouse, in children education or in religious life, the expression exudes apparent national kindness and intimacy. But in addition to clear self identity internally,the determination of identity must have a corresponding external social definition as well, because to a person the self knowledge not totally depends on their own, otherwise mainly forms in their relations with others, that is, with the help of other people’s assessment, a person can gain a real cognition and knowledge about himself, such as in the actual political life, they always face different discontent and criticism from different ethnic groups. So, objectively the comments from the public and collegues become the essential factors in the forming and converting of the identity of the Hui political elite. It is also the unavoidable tension between "self view" and "others’view" that make the minority political elite sway between the ethnic identity and national identity like a pendulum, seeking for the balance between them, in order to properly deal with the relationship between the ethnic members and the national cadres.更多还原