民国祭田法律制度研究

【作者】 尹伟琴；

【导师】 徐永康；

【作者基本信息】 华东政法大学 ， 法律史， 2010， 博士

【摘要】 祭田是中国特有的一种财产类型,它成为维护宗族制度的经济基础。随着近代西方法的传入,如何用近代西方民事法律制度和理论去规范祭田制度成为一个难题,这也是西方民法和中国传统民事习惯融合的一个缩影。第一章确定了论文的研究范围、研究方法和研究意义。明确了研究意义在于选择祭田这一极具中国特色的案件类型作为考察的标本,以观察民国时期基层司法机关在中西法律磨合过程中的做法及其特点。就时间范围而言,研究重点在于民国时期(1912-1949),宋元以来的祭田制度仅作为源流背景进行考察。就类型而言,作为本文研究对象的祭田仅限于宗族意义上的祭祀所需产业。通过厘清和祭田紧密相关的一些概念,如族产(田)、义田(庄)、祀产(田)、蒸尝田、护坟田、墓田、茔田等,来界定祭田的概念。进行文献综述后,认为现有关于祭田问题的研究成果多数由宏观角度切入,较少从微观角度对此进行深入的研究。计划利用民国司法档案和各类判牍汇编中的祭田案例作为研究的基础资料。第二章对祭田制度从历史的角度作一个较为全面的回顾。认为作为一种普设制度的祭田自朱熹之后产生。确定了祭田来源的四种主要方式,并指出大部分祭田来源于留存的遗产。祭田的收入除了它的基本功能――供祭祀之用,还承担凝聚家族的其他功能。祭田一般由专人管理或按房轮流管理,以后者为常见的管理方式。回顾了民国时期祭田纠纷的解决规则。结论是祭田制度为传统社会经济财产秩序之“缩影”,它反映了个人和家(族)之间财产亲缘上的关系。在祭田法律制度中,身份原则支配一切,其中不可能存在法律上抽象平等的人格,不可能有根据自由合意而独自创造的新的社会关系,也不可能存在个人对于财产的绝对权利以及近现代意义上基于契约自由而发生的财产流转。第三章论述了祭田非公同共有物的理由。祭田的权利主体是“房”,“房”的构成成员呈动态变化。以“房”为单位的祭田权利主体如置于公同共有法律框架下,将会遭到一些实际的困难,例如产权登记手续的困难、共同诉讼主体确定上的困难。公同共有是所有权的一种类型,而祭田派下对祭田并不拥有完整的所有权。因为根据传统祭田民事习惯,祭田派下仅有祭田的收益权,而无处分权。在诉讼实践中,南京国民政府时期法院允许祭田派下分割或出卖自己的祭田股份,从这个角度而言,国家法有时又将祭田认同为按份共有物。第四章分析祭田习惯与法人制度的异同。民国时期,大陆有将祭田认同为法人的习惯,被日本人所占据的台湾更是通过立法正式将祭田(台湾称祭祀公业)确定为习惯法人。从制度的角度来看,祭田有类似于法人的一面,因为它的意义不仅仅在于是一类特定物,还在于它具有独特的设立和运行规则。从人的要素角度考察了祭田的管理人、设立人和享祀人之后,认为祭田类似于所有权的虚拟形式。最后以台湾祭祀公业为分析对象,列举了祭祀公业法人化的法律障碍:法人性质确定的障碍、法人独立财产的障碍和法人行为能力的障碍。结论是:祭田的法律性质并不是“公同共有”,也不是“法人”,它是一项中国式的家族共产制度。因此,没有必要硬生生地将其套入公同共有物或法人制度的桎棝,依据大理院二年上字第64号判例或《中华民国民法》第2条的规定,把祭田制度作为一项“习惯”或“习惯法”来界定,并由此确定法律依据或许是比较便捷的解决途径。第五章归纳嗣子和养子的祭田权利。认为无论是习惯上还是司法实践中,嗣子都享有和亲子同等的祭田权利,嗣子之间的祭田权利之争其实是关于立嗣合法性的争议。国家法一直否定养子的祭祀和祭田权利,习惯上有的地区认可养子的祭祀权利,司法机构在审判中援引国家法否定了养子的祭田权利。结论是:虽然为了实现与西方的衔接,民国时期通过立法和司法认可了养子的财产继承权利,但是,涉及到宗祧继承时,还是保留了传统的制度和观念。与此相对应的是,对民事习惯的调查表明,传统的宗祧继承观念在有些地区已经有所变化。第六章讨论妇女的祭田继承权利。妇女的祭田权利分为女儿的祭田权利和寡妇的祭田权利两类。较之以前,在民国时期的立法和习惯上,女儿的其他财产权利有了很大程度的扩张。但是,女儿的祭田继承权利仍然受到制约。其中,未嫁女儿的权利大于已嫁女儿。与未嫁女儿和出嫁女儿相比,赘婿的祭田权利范围大得多。已改嫁的寡妇不再享有原夫家的祭田权利,而守志寡妇可以代替丈夫享受祭田的收益。结论是:在民国时期,关于妇女财产权利的立法与观念都有所变化,妇女享有更多的财产权利。但是,祭田领域的财产更替仍然受到宗祧观念的约束。第七章分析民国时期传统司法模式的延续和变更情况,途径是通过基层法院审判祭田案件时表现出的一些特点。由于祭田案件的标的物具有特殊性,与普通标的物相比,它更易受到强大的传统观念的保护与影响。当关于祭田权利争议的近代法规范与传统观念冲突时,民国时期的法官们先是倾向于维护传统观念,甚至不惜违反当时具有效力的法律条文。但这种情况并不能持久,随着近代民法实施时间的延续,它逐渐超越了传统观念的影响,而成为最重要的裁判依据。此外,地方法院习惯于灵活运用自己认为更合适的裁判依据――例如法理、条理、族例――来审判案件。结论是:外来法和固有民事习惯磨合过程中,固有民事习惯表现出惯性定理,而中央和地方存在明显脱节。第八章对全文进行总结。认为在中国传统社会中,尽管存在着一般意义上的私有经济,祭田制度就是这种一般意义上的私有经济的具体表现之一,我们可以用现代法律的标准将祭田的具体制度、规则及其社会关系名之为“民事”,但是,在“特殊主义关系结构”起主宰作用的背景下,完全不可能产生可以称之为“私法”或“民法”的那部分法律。祭田制度在精神内核上完全缺失以个人主义为基础的客观化、普遍化和理性化之“气质”,这并不是说这类关系完全不受法律的调整,而是调整这类关系的法律并不具有现代民法或私法的性格。更多还原

【Abstract】 Jitian(Offering—sacrifice—to—land)iS a sort of property peculia r to China,which becomes the economiC basiS for preserving patriarch al system.With the introduction of modern western laws,how to apply thiS Civil legal system and theory to regulate the offering system becomes a real challenge.It iS a miniature of a mix between western civil 1aw and Chinese traditional CiVil convention.In the first chapter,the research meaning is expl icitly defined, that is,selecting the case of Jitian as a study sample,so that the practice and feature of those judicial authorities at basic level du ring the Republ ic of China(1912—1949)are to be surveyed.As far as category is concerned,Jitian system iS only confined to the case ofsacrifice in terms of patriarchal clan.By clarifying some concepts closely related to Jitian,such as clan property(1and),holy land,sa crifice land,grave—protecting land,and grave land and SO on,Jitian can be defined.After summarizing the documents,the author finds th at most researches on Jitian are from macroscopic instead of microsco pic perspective.ThiS dissertation iS to employ those judicial files in the Republic of China and the cases of Jitian in collections of CO urt document as the basiC research data.Chapter two carries out a comprehensive review on the offering sy stem from historical perspective.The author holds the opinion that s uch a common system has come into being after Zhu Xi era.The revenue derived from Jitian iS not only utilized to pay the expense of offer ing sacrifice,but performs a function of uniting the whole clan.Jit ian iS generally controlled by specially—assigned persons,or control led in turn according to chamber,and the latter is more common.This dissertation reviews the sohtions to dispute over Jitian in the Republic of China.in which it comes to the conchsion that the system of Jitian is a miniature of economic and financial order in traditional society.Such a system reflects the property affinity between indivi dual and clan.In the legal system of Jitian,identify principle domi nates everything,and there does not exist such abstract equal person alities in Iaw.There iS no novel social relationship freely establiS hed by free will,and the absolute utilization of property by individ ual cannot be existed,and there is also no free property transfer ba sed on charter contemporar i l y.Chapter three discusses the reasons that Jitian iS not a joint co—ownership.Jitian’s subject of rights is“chamber”.and the compo Sition of membership of the“chamber”takes on dynamic changes.Suc h a subject of rights,taking“chamber”as a unit,subjects itself to the frame of law,and thus encounters some practical difficulties, such as the troubles of formalities for title registration and the P rocedure of determining the co—subject of 1itigation.Co—ownership is a kind of title,but the Jitian clique don’t have the total title, because according to the traditional Civi l practice,they only posses S the Ius fruenndi from jitian,not the right to disposing property. Practically,the court under Nanjing Nationalist Government allows th e Jitian clique to divide or sell their own share,accordingly,from this perspective,the state 1aw at times identify jit Jan as co—owned property.Chapter four analyses the similarities and differences between ji tian practice and law system.During the Republie of China,Jitian on ce was regarded as legal body.Taiwan(then occupied by the Japanese) enacted laws to establish Jitian as a legal body.SystematicallY.Ji tian has something to do with legal body,because its significance iS not onlY rests on specifiC goods,but it has its unique establishmen t and operat ing rules as wel 1.But from the angle of human factors,t he author finds that Jitian iS something like a virtual form of owner ship after investigating the custodian,establisher,and recipient of Jitian.Take Taiwan as an analyzing case,the author lists some lega 1 obstacles--the properties of law body,independent property of 1aw body and its facultas agendi,by whieh a conclusion iS drawn that thenature of Jitian iS neither co—owned nor iS it the SO—called“legal body”,but a kind of clan co—owned property system with Chinese char acteriStiCS.The next chapter sums up the rights of heritor and adopted sons, which holds that heritor shares the same rights as those of son,conv entionally or in judicial practices.The dispute over the rights to o ffer between heritots is actually the validity of heritors’position. The right of’adopted sons iS usually denied by the state 1aw,but co nventionally,it recognizes their rights to offer sacrifice.Judicial organs deny such a right.So the conclusion drawn in this chapter isthat though in order to realize the link to the West,the legislatio n and judiciary in the Republ ic of China recognized the right to inhe rit property by the adopted son,when it came to clan inheritance,tr aditional system and concept were preserved.Comparing to thiS,inves tigation on civil practice shows that the idea of clan inheritance ha S been under some changes i n some places.Chapter six discusses women’S rights to inherit jitian,which iS divided into daughter’S rights and widow’S rights.Compared to the previous situation,daughter’S rights widely expand under the legisl ation and practice in the Republ ic of China.However,their rights ar e st i 1 l restricted.For example.the rights for unmarried daughter ar e higher than those of married.But compared to married or unmarried daughters,the son—in—laws’rights are much higher.Remarried widows no longer possess the right in the former husband’S family,and thos e who stick to the state of widow can take her late—husband’S place to enjoy gains from Jitian.The conclusion in this chapter iS that th e legislation and concept on the property rights for women have chang ed to some extent,and women enjoy higher rights to property.Chapter seven analyzes the extension and alternation of the tradi tional judiCial mode in the Republ iC of China and some features shown in trial of Jit Jan by the basiC level court.Due to the distinctiyen ess of the subject matter in jitian case,it iS more readily affected and protected by the strong tradi t i onal concept.When the contempora ry legal norm conflicts with traditional concept,judges in the Repub 1ic of China tends to preserve the latter,even at the cost of violat ing those val id legal provi sions there and then.However,such a si tu ation cannot last long:modern civi l law extends to exceed the influe rice of traditional concept and becomes the very important verdict evi dence.Moreover,local court iS used to apply what it callS the more suitable verdict evidence,such as theory of law,regulation and clan practice,to try cases.So the conclusion is that during the mix of loan laws and those intrinsiC civi l customs,the latter shows the ine rtial theorem,and there iS an obvious disjunction between the local and the central government.The last chapter concludes that although there exists private eco nomy to some extent in traditional Chinese society and the system ofJitian is one of them,which we can call it“civil 1aw”in the name of modern legal system,private law or civil law can impossible to co me into being, under the predominant particularism structure.The eor e of spirit of Jitian system lose its objective,universal and ration al features,which does not necessari ly follow that such relations ar e not subject to legal adjust,but the laws of adjusting such relatio ns does not have a modern Civi 1 or private 1aw characters. ThiS iS not to say that such re]ations are not completely legal t o adjust,but adjust the laws of such relations does not have a moder n civi 1 or private law character.更多还原